1_March 2019, Ramallah – On the occasion of the International Women’s Day (8 March), a week-long joint campaign “My Rights, Our Power” was launched today in Palestine to raise awareness on women’s fundamental human rights. The joint effort, with participation from over 30 national and international partners from civil society organizations, media outlets, and international development agencies, targets youth, women, and men in various geographic areas in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza to promote women’s human rights in Palestine.

The campaign comes at a crucial moment when the anticipated adoption of the Family Protection Bill is at a standstill, raising concerns among national and international stakeholders about the consequences of such delay on safeguarding women’s fundamental human rights in Palestine. According to the Palestine report of the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), nearly one in five Palestinian men (17 percent) surveyed said they had perpetrated act of physical intimate partner violence against female partners, while 21 per cent of women surveyed reported having experienced such violence.

“Family violence, usually committed by a family member who has social or economic power over others in the family, causes enormous pain and suffering to all members of the family, especially the women and children,” said a spokesperson from civil society, which has vigorously initiated the development of the Family Protection Bill (FPB), and has strongly pushed its adoption since 2004.

“The violation of women’s human rights manifests in various levels and should be also understood from economic, cultural, and social aspects,” the spokesperson added, highlighting the lack of opportunities and freedom of choice, as well as limited access to justice and services that women in Palestine still experience.

The joint campaign aims to raise awareness of the general public, especially youth, women, and men on women’s fundamental rights in line with international standards and embedded in the Family Protection Bill draft endorsed by the previous Cabinet at the end of December 2018. Five key messages, addressing women’s right to a life free of violence, right to achieve justice and seek help in case of violation of such life, as well as the right to equal opportunities and right to make one’s own choices, will be distributed through various channels such as radio, social media, helpline (121), outreach activities, and on-site events. The closing event of the joint campaign will take place on 8 March in Jerusalem and will celebrate women’s achievements using TED-style talks, followed by art performances.

“My Rights, Our Power” joint campaign is part of the global International Women’s Day 2019 campaign under the theme of “Think equal, build smart, innovate for change”. The theme focuses on innovative ways in which we can advance gender equality and the empowerment of women, particularly in the areas of social protection systems, access to public services and sustainable infrastructure, echoing the theme of the 63rd session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW 63) taking place in New York on 11-22 March 2019.

The participating organizations of the “My Rights, Our Power” are (in alphabetical order): 17 Palestinian women’s organizations represented by Al-Muntada (coalition), British Consulate-General, Business Women Forum, CARE International, Consulate General of Sweden, Consulate General of Belgium, EUPOL COPPS, EU Representative Office, FAO, General Union of Palestinian Women, Government of Japan, CowaterSogema/GROW Project, International Labour Organization, Italian Agency for Development Cooperation, Ma’an TV, MIFTAH, Netherlands Representative Office, Nisaa FM, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development, Palestinian Family Planning and Protection Association, Representative Office of Canada, Representative Office of Denmark, SAWA, Sawasya II, Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation, Sports for Life, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, Representative Office of Norway, UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNICEF, UNOPS, UN Women, Women's Centre for Legal Aid and Counseling, Women’s Studies Center.

For more information, please contact Eunjin Jeong at UN Women via eunjin.jeong@unwomen.org or 059 2321 308, Majd Beltaji at UNESCO via m.beltaji@unesco.org or 059 4501 506.

Mr. President,

We thank France for organizing this important meeting and extend our appreciation to the Chef de Cabinet of the Secretary General, the Executive Director of UN Women, the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security and the Secretary-General of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie for their efforts and important briefings.

The issue before us is of relevance not only for half the planet, but to all, given the role and contribution of women in the fields of peace and security and the untapped potential that could be unleashed by mainstreaming their participation. Since the adoption by consensus of resolution 1325 by this Council, a lot has happened, and yet we are still far from the goal of full and equal participation, including in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and from ensuring the protection and empowerment of women. Gender equality and non-discrimination remain prerequisites for the fulfilment of the purposes and principles of this organization and all of our lofty, collective commitments, including the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

The State of Palestine welcomes the Secretary General’s report and his commitment to implementing the women and peace and security agenda, including by placing gender at the centre of his prevention platform and surge in diplomacy. We appreciate all efforts by the UN in this regard, including by UN Women, OHCHR and UNDP, notably in the field of human rights, capacity building, employment and rule of law. We urge UN bodies, notably those operating in Palestine, including the Special Representative, to intensify their engagement and collaboration with women organizations.

Mr. President,

I wish to highlight some of Palestine’s own important efforts in this regard. The Palestinian women’s movement is one of the oldest and strongest in the region and beyond, with institutional and representative structures established as early as the 19th century. Within the PLO, the General Union of Palestinian Women was among the first unions to be established. A coordination of women frameworks within PLO political parties and other organizations has also been established as the “Women’s Affairs Technical Committee” in the aftermath of the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference.

There have been many achievements thereafter. Among them: In 2012, Palestine inaugurated a High-Level National Committee for the implementation of resolution 1325, led by the Ministry of Women Affairs in partnership with relevant Ministries and NGOs. In 2016, the State of Palestine was among the 68 countries and areas that adopted a National Action Plan on women, peace and security.

This Action Plan (2017-2019), adopted by both the Government and civil society organizations, identifies three primary objectives: 1. ensuring protection for women and girls both domestically and in the face of the Israeli occupation; 2. ensuring accountability through national and international mechanisms, with a particular focus on crimes and violations committed by the occupation; and 3. furthering women’s political participation in decision making at the national and international level. The State of Palestine also joined core IHL and human rights instruments, including CEDAW, without reservations. Women’s participation and empowerment are also important and cross-cutting objectives in the context of the National Policy Agenda (2017-2022).

We are, however, conscious that, despite all these efforts, much more work remains to be done. Only in 2009 was a women elected to the highest executive body of the PLO. Quotas are still decisive in allowing women’s election to Parliament and local councils. And while women organizations were among the strongest advocates of national reconciliation, they have been unfairly absent from reconciliation talks. The relevant legislative framework applicable in Palestine is also outdated and must be revised to ensure consistency with Palestine’s international commitments and obligations and avail women the protection and rights they are entitled to and the opportunities they deserve.

Mr. President,

The Palestinian women’s movement since its establishment over a century ago pursued the struggle on two fronts – the struggle for the independence of Palestine and the struggle for women’s rights and empowerment – a dual struggle the movement continues to pursue to this day. The Israeli occupation remains the main source of the violations of our women’s rights and their vulnerability and violence against their person. We have repeatedly called for protection of the Palestinian people, especially women and children. We have also called for accountability, a key element of resolution 1325, the first resolution to address the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women, as the only way to put an end to violations and crimes.

While Palestine stands ready to do its part to advance women rights and the role of women in the fields of peace and security, it is clear that the enjoyment of these rights in our country necessitates ending the Israeli occupation. We will thus continue to work for an end of the occupation and true progress on the path to independence, justice and peace, with the equal and full involvement of women, leading to an independent State of Palestine ensuring human rights for all its citizens without discrimination.

On the occasion of the ICC Prosecutor’s Office to Palestine, the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325, which consists of twelve different Palestinian women’s organisations, is urging the Prosecutor’s Office to take concrete actions towards investigating war crimes committed against Palestinians. The Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom remains deeply concerned with the complete impunity of Israeli war crimes and firmly supports the Coalition’s call for a just accountability mechanism for Palestinian victims. WILPF also calls on the international community to recognise and fully support Palestinian women’s organisations substantial role in paving the paths to justice, accountability and peace. Read the statement of the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325 below.

We, the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325,welcome the visit of the delegation of the ICC Prosecutor’s Office as a step in the right direction. But we are deeply disappointed that the purpose of this visit was restricted to preliminary examination, while Palestinian victims of Israeli war crimes, including women, continue to suffer and urgently await justice and an end to Israel impunity.

We do not understand the decision to exclude the Gaza Strip from this visit, when Gaza has been the site of the most war crimes and where women have been most systematically impacted by Israeli collective punishment policies; a prolonged imposed siege and a severe humanitarian deterioration resulting from Israeli military aggressions .

We are further disappointed that women who have been systematically impacted, and their women’s organisations, have been excluded from the delegation’s agenda.

We call upon all future delegations of the ICC Prosecutor’s Office to include on their agenda meetings with women’s organisations and women who have experienced direct and indirect impacts of Israeli crimes.

We, the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325, have seen in UNSCR 1325, 2242, and other UN Resolutions a commitment to hold the Israeli perpetrators accountable for their war crimes.

We look to the ICC as the most important mechanism to end impunity for all war crimes committed, finally bringing justice for the Palestinian people. Yet, we are very concerned that the preliminary examinations will be an endless process.

Therefore, we urge, Ms. Fatou Bensouda, the Prosecutor of the ICC, to conclude the preliminary examination and move to investigations into Israeli war crimes, bringing justice to Palestinians.

We have paid the price of non-accountability and impunity of Israeli war crimes for too long. “Delaying justice is justice denied.”

Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325: The General Union of Palestinian Women (GUPW), the Women’s Affairs Technical Committee (WATC), Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development (PWWSD), MIFTAH, Filastinyat, Women Media and Development (TAM), Women Stu Dies Center, Women’s Center for Legal Aid and Counseling (WACLAC), the National, YWCA of Palestine, Center for Women’s Legal Research and Consulting (CWLRC), the Culture and Free thought Association(CWLRC) and Women’s Affairs Center (GWAC).

Occupied Palestine

October 11, 2016

Have the Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the Israelis in the West Bank and Gaza, committed crimes that are punishable under international law?

Yes.

And does the lack of indictments against American and Israeli officials for their war crimes by the International Criminal Court detract from its right to indict Sudanese officials for committing war crimes in Darfur?

No.

It is true that there is a selective application of justice in the world. It is also true that the powerful can commit crimes with impunity. Even so, just because others committed crimes and escaped justice does not mean that crimes can be immune from morality, and that the charges against these countries are void. Such an excuse would be even worse than the crimes.

Let us, at least temporarily, put the Americans and Israelis aside. The question is: Has the Sudanese regimes committed war crimes in Darfur or not? And why do we deny the International Criminal Court lawsuit, the reports of human rights organizations, and what we see with our own eyes, but believe what the Sudanese rulers say?

Personally, I think that the International Criminal Court is more honest than the rulers and judicial system of Sudan, and I think that they must pay for their crimes in Darfur. I also think that bringing them to justice, or raising a political and legal uproar over the issue, will deter other rulers in the Arab world from committing additional crimes against their people.

This is precisely the point that explains why centers of Arab political power are now worried, and why they have shown solidarity with the rulers in Khartoum. After all, the Arab peoples are ruled by armies and intelligence services, and human rights violations in the Arab world are considered fairly routine and do not create any anxiety in ruling circles unless they feel frightened of scandal or possible punishment. Therefore, the solidarity of Arab leaders with those in Khartoum has the aura of self-defense. All the rhetoric about “conspiracies against the nation,” “dignity,” and “sovereignty” is a crude attempt to hide behind nationalist sentiments.

But what is much more important, and what deserves contemplation and reflection, are questions like “Do human right violations and crimes punishable by law command the attention of public opinion in the Arab world?”

Yes, and no.

It is “yes” when crimes are committed by Israelis and Americans, because this validates harming them and violating their rights and dignity.

It is “no” when they are committed by the ruling regimes, or by criminal fundamentalist and rejectionist groups. And this indicates the existence of double-standards, an imbalance in values, and the continuation of an attitude of victimization.

Let us take what happened in Guantanamo and Darfur as illustrative examples.

News about Guantanamo occupies center stage in the Arab media, and Arab satellite channels pay thousands of dollars to obtain, at a great distance, the footage of metal bars and men moving behind them. Arab commentators employ every rhetorical technique to remonstrate against the violations that are committed there. And that is fine, because it is true and important.

But where is the news from Darfur? If we exclude news emanating from Western news agencies that is published in the Arab media after, of course, it is edited, we will not find much. Even in the conferences that call for the renewal of Arab nationalist thought, nobody seems to notice that the Sudanese rulers are committing crimes against their own people (and these are their own people, after all) because of fears that mentioning this would potentially endanger Arab national security, or because this would bolster the positions non-Arab or non-Muslim minorities in the Arab world, and that the minimum should therefore be said and done.

The difference between Guantanamo and Darfur is that the first reaffirms a sense of victimization, while the latter incites Arabs to look at the man in the mirror, something that they don't like to do. And this, among other things, demonstrates a prevailing political culture in the Arab world of selectivity, impurity and imbalance of values.

Let us, then, return to the subject of Americans and Israelis. It is true that they could be held accountable under international law for their actions, and that none of their generals and politicians have been tried in the International Criminal Court, but it is also true that the best briefs against those generals and politicians where developed by their own citizens, and not by Arabs or Muslims.

It is also true that Palestinians and Arabs who have acted in a way consistent with international judicial standards have been able to file some successful cases, at least to the extent that some Israeli generals have stopped travelling to countries such as Britain or Belgium for fear of prosecution.

But it is also true that what Palestinians and Arabs have done so far in this regard is negligible when it is compared to their resources and abilities, which should enable them to do much more. The problem, certainly, is more complex than one of simply resources and abilities, since it necessarily reflects the balance of power on earth, including political, military or moral force. And it is certainly not helped by Jihadists and rejectionists, who are not any more moral than their enemies and who don't hesitate to commit actions that are punishable by law.

This is a vicious circle, and a dark time.

Even so, similar rights and crimes both here and there are not negated by such limitations. It is important that we stop caring only about what others do and fail to ever look in the mirror.

When looking at Sudan, and its rulers’ crimes in Darfur, we will be confronted by a grotesque image that demands that we be ashamed, admit guilt and call for a reckoning of accounts.

Arabs are not always the victims.

[Translation by Mike Husseini of ATFP]

[Translation by Mike Husseini of ATFP]

Ziad Asali, president of the American Task Force on Palestine and a member of the American presidential delegation to the Palestinian Investment Conference, told Al-Ayyam that the participation of an American presidential delegation in the conference is both “unique and special.”

Dr. Asali added “the delegation isn’t like any normal delegation because its members were selected personally by President George Bush. The delegation was also given political support and legitimacy, sending in the process a message to the Palestinian people that the American administration, at the level of the President, is interested in this conference and in developing the Palestinian economy.”

Dr. Asali also said that the American delegation’s “main message was that we are interested in developing the Palestinian economy.”

The delegation was led by the deputy secretary of the Department of the Treasury, and also included the deputy secretary of the Department of Commerce, the president and chief executive officer of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, the director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, and the president and chief executive officer of the Aspen Institute and chair of the U.S. -Palestinian Partnership.

The delegation had signed several agreements with Palestinian companies and corporations on the margins of the conference. Dr. Asali said, “The most important thing is for people to believe. Palestinians do not believe anybody unless they witness real changes in the situation for themselves. As a result, talk has to be followed by actions. The agreements that were signed have created a network of investors and businessmen.”

Businessmen are now interested in investing.

Dr. Asali added, “There are one hundred and twenty projects that were suggested by the Palestinian Authority. The new occurrence is that businessmen as well as politicians are working together on these projects.”

Dr. Asali also revealed “the interest of American businessmen in investing in Palestine,” and said “that is a new trend that they are interested in. As part of the process of preparing for this initiative, Secretary of State Rice met with a group of American businessmen like the heads of Intel and Marriott among others. I was also at the meeting and they were very interested in this opportunity but questioned how these projects can be implemented. As a result, our job now is to develop this American interest, and make sure that their interest is transformed from being a political interest into a practical reality through these businessmen.”

Dr. Asali added, “The U.S. Trade and Development Agency will coordinate between public work of the government and the businessmen and if everything goes as planned, projects will start that will provide work opportunities and create movement in the market.”

As for the obstacles that Palestinian businessmen face, Dr. Asali said “before coming to the conference, we focused our attention on three things: freedom of movement, crossing, and dignity. We were guaranteed that everything would go smoothly. We had some concerns and so did the Israelis, but for the past three days there have been no problems at the conference. This marked the first time that an experiment like the conference took place, and that Israeli and Palestinian cooperation has led to a decrease in the travel restrictions for people who are participating in the conference. Now, the next step that we are expecting and working on is the opening of checkpoints so that people will have less troubles in their travels.”

Improving the economy supports the creation of a state.

Dr. Asali pointed out that “this is essentially a political project because improving the economic situation is one of the ways to reach a Palestinian state… We are interested in creating a Palestinian state, and there is no question about that. The goal is the creation of a Palestinian state, and the economy is one of the basic elements in creating a state. Now it is possible to create a state because there is a sense of consensus, and because the political process is continuing on another front.”

Robert Kimmit, the Deputy Secretary of the Department of the Treasury, said that the administration of President George Bush strongly and energetically supports the Palestinian Investment Conference. Kimmit also said “it is important to improve the economic opportunities of the Palestinian people, and to give the political process the opportunity to move forward.” Kimmit added, “The existence of a vibrant private sector forms the lifeline to any successful economy that has the ability to maintain and grow itself.”

Continuing the aid to the Gaza Strip.

As for the Gaza Strip, Kimmit said that one of the conference meetings discussed the economy of the Gaza Strip. Kimmit added, “The United States will continue supplying humanitarian aid to the People in Gaza through the UNRWA.”

The Overseas Private Investment Corporation supplied five hundred million dollars as loan guarantees to help Palestinians buy houses. The loan program was designed to allow Palestinians to buy houses of up to $75,000 in value.

Dr. Asali said that starting the project of building 30,000 house units will result in the immediate creation of thousands of jobs and work opportunities. That will allow the unemployment rate in the West Bank to decrease.

Walter Isaacson, the president of the Aspen Institute and a famous writer and journalist, said that the partnership initiative aims to quickly increase the supply and growth of jobs and employment in the West Bank. Isaacson also said the initiative includes creating capital for trade projects that would be run by joint Israeli and Palestinian Authority management. The aim of the project would be investing in new companies that work in the information technology sector.

Creating a loan guarantee program.

In addition, Isaacson said that the Middle East Investment Initiative, which is a loan guarantee program that is partly supported by the Overseas Private Investment Corporation and was created jointly with the Aspen Institute, would work on supplying two hundred and thirty million dollars as loan guarantees to local Palestinian banks. This would be used to support small and midsized business ventures.

Isaacson added, “there are eighteen projects that are being implemented that range from the construction to the dairy sectors.”

Isaacson also revealed the creation of a “call center” that will provide services by Arabic speakers to American corporations that will trade with or have businesses in the West Bank.

Isaacson also said that the U.S. Trade and Development Agency would also construct five youth centers in the West Bank with assistance from Intel and Cisco, with the aim of providing technological training and developing the working skills of Palestinian youths.

(ATFP Transation by Mike Husseini)

Hezbollah was once an armed group involved in liberating Southern Lebanon from its Israeli invaders. Since then, it has been transformed into a militia that threatens the stability, security, and unity of Lebanon. How can a group that was formed to fight occupiers become a threat to its own country and society?

The answer is militias and weapons obstruct politics. People who turn militias and armed men into politicians will suffer. Does this mean people should reject the concept of resistance, and accept their enemy’s plans and wishes? No, but people should be careful when it comes to resistance. Resistance should be scrutinized and looked at critically; resistance can’t be adulated and revered without ensuring that it is legitimate in the first place.

A look at Che Guevara’s book on guerrilla warfare proves this point. Che Guevara warns that after a militia succeeds and takes over a capital, it is necessary to turn the militia into a regular army. If a militia is not subjected to the rule of law, it will become a source of chaos.

What has happened, and what will continue to happen, is that militias will become a source of chaos. That has happened in Afghanistan. After the Soviet Union withdrawal, militias refused to be subjected to civilian law or even to a form of government. The same has happened in Lebanon and Gaza after Israel’s withdrawal, although under different circumstances. The same will also happen in Iraq after the United States withdraws.

The political goals and ideologies of a group are not necessarily important in order for them to be defined as a militia: A militia is any irregular force. In every case, a militia will find excuses to ensure that it is not subjected to a country or government, and will claim that politics is just a civilian game. In similar fashion, a militia will not fail to find excuses in order to stay armed. Militias’ usual excuse is that of war. Militias do not want the “war” to actually end, and they have the means to guarantee its continuity.

Che Guevara used to talk about guerrilla warfare within a Marxist context. His vision was that laborers and farmers would form the backbone to this type of warfare. His vision also viewed war as the means to achieving communism.

Che Guevara’s ideological and social outlook is different than that of Lebanese, Iraqi, Palestinian, and Afghani militias. These militias are only loyal to certain sects, as opposed to certain classes of people. Their ideology is opposed to the concept of a country that includes people from different nationalities, who have different languages, religions, and ethnicities. Their ideology exclusively supports a group of people from a certain religion, a certain identity, or even an identity that opposes national and regional unity.

It is impossible to understand the Afghani tragedy without considering the power struggle between Tajiks and Pashtuns, the Palestinian tragedy without taking into account regional concentrations, the Lebanese tragedy without bearing in mind the sectarian struggle and the increasing influence of Shias due to their growing demographics, or the Iraqi tragedy taking into consideration the struggle between Sunnis and Shias.

Sectarian and regional identities are a thing of the past. But they do come to life, and often lead to the creation of even more identities. This creation, and thus overabundance, of identities is a result of either the failures of politics, of civil war, of dictatorships, or of occupation.

Within a Lebanese, Iraqi, Palestinian, and Afghani context, it is possible to find various reasons behind the failures of politics. The brightest political leaders of Lebanon rose before the Lebanese civil war started. They are the ones who achieved Lebanese independence, and formed a social order revolving around acceptance. It is true that Lebanon’s rise was partly due to injustice, but that assisted in turning Lebanon into a vibrant society that stood in stark contrast with its neighbors who fell to military or dictatorial rule. After the Lebanese civil war, the warlords who rose to power during the failure of politics in Lebanon became its new leaders and politicians.

In the Iraqi case, Saddam Hussein’s dictatorial regime led to the failure of politics, in the form of turning the narrowly different sectarian identities into a forceful factor in Iraqi politics. After the rise of the best Iraqi politicians in the first half of the twentieth century came the rise of an Iraqi political generation that entered politics through the door of occupation, sectarianism, or both.

Afghanistan has a similar story that won’t be discussed. As for Palestine, the Nakba sixty years ago destroyed the social order that would have allowed Palestinian political leaders to rise. The Palestinian Diaspora, and the lack of a unified political center, has led to the rise of local Palestinian leaders and politicians in the West Bank, Gaza, and Galilee.

Within the context of the PLO, politicians have risen within a general nationalistic framework. However, many of these leaders were not qualified to be leaders. In any case, the PLO experience was short lived, as was the experience of the Palestinian Authority before the rise of militias. It is apparent that the Palestinian warlords will not cease in their attempts to obstruct and hinder politics in the Palestinian society. These warlords will continue to eliminate and occupy what is left of the Palestinian Authority, in order for them to guarantee that they remain in the spotlight (otherwise, they would become unemployed). And this is the other Nakba.

Based on the national conciliation document and the letter of commission, the national unity government shall work to achieve the higher interests of the Palestinian people in the following manner:

First: political

1. The government affirms that the key to security and stability in the region is an end to the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories and recognizing the Palestinians’ right to self determination; the government intends to work with the international community towards ending the occupation and restoring the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in order to build a solid foundation for peace, security and prosperity in the region.

2. The government pledges to protect the higher national interests of the Palestinian people and protect their rights; it pledges to preserve and further their accomplishments and work towards achieving their national goals as declared in the resolutions of the PNC, the Basic Law, the national conciliation document and the resolutions of the Arab summits. Based on this, the government shall respect international resolutions and agreements signed by the PLO.

3. The government affirms its rejection of any state with temporary borders because this entails a denial of the Palestinians’ legitimate rights.

4. To adhere to the rights of Palestinian refugees and their right to return to their lands and properties.

5. To work towards liberating prisoners from Israeli prisons.

6. To confront the Israeli measures of assassinations, arrests, and incursions on the ground. The government shall give special attention to the city of Jerusalem in confronting Israeli policies pertaining to the people, lands and holy sites of Jerusalem.

7. To reinforce relationships with Arab and Islamic countries and cooperate with the regional and international community on the basis of mutual respect.

Second: the occupation

1. The government affirms that peace and stability in the region depends on ending all forms of occupation of the Palestinian territories, eradicating the apartheid wall and settlements, halting the Judaization of Jerusalem and Israel’s policy of land annexation along with restoring land rights to their owners.

2. The government affirms that resistance is a legitimate right of the Palestinian people as enshrined in international laws and charters; our people have the right to defend themselves in the face of any Israeli aggression and believe that halting their resistance depends on ending the occupation and achieving freedom, return and independence.

3. Despite this, the government, through national conciliation, will work towards reinforcing and extending the calm so it will reach the level of a comprehensive and reciprocal truce between both sides. Israel should also reciprocate by halting assassinations, arrests, incursions, home demolitions, land leveling and excavations in Jerusalem along with working towards removing checkpoints, reopening crossings, lifting all restrictions on movement and releasing prisoners.

4. The government reaffirms the article in the national conciliation document regarding the administration of the negotiations, which is under the jurisdiction of the PLO and the President of the PNA and which is based on adherence to achieving the national goals of the Palestinians. Any offer on any final agreement shall therefore be presented to the new Palestinian National Council for ratification or a general referendum will be conducted among the Palestinian people inside and abroad; there shall also be a law for the organization of this referendum.

5. The government shall support all efforts and urge the relevant parties to expedite these efforts towards ending the issue of the Israeli soldier in the context of a prisoner exchange deal.

Third: security

The national unity government realizes the difficult internal conditions and believes that its top priority in the coming phase is to control the current security conditions. In order to achieve this, the government shall adopt the following in its program:

1. Form a higher national security council that represents the terms of reference for all security services. It shall constitute the framework that organizes their work and defines their policies; the PLC shall be requested to finalize the law pertaining to the higher national security council.

2. To restructure the security services on a professional basis and work towards providing their needs, reducing partisan considerations and distancing them from political polarization and conflict; to reinforce their loyalty to the homeland and to urge them to abide by the decisions of their political leadership and ensure that the members of these services commit themselves to the tasks commissioned to them.

3. To work on enacting the laws ratified by the PLC regarding the security institution.

4. To formulate a comprehensive security plan to end all forms of security chaos and lawlessness and to protect and prevent any bloodshed while honoring families, funds and public and private properties. It is also aimed at controlling weapons and providing security to citizens while working towards ending the oppression inflicted on the people through the rule of the law and supporting the police force to perform its duties in the best possible manner.

Fourth: legal

1. the government shall fully cooperate with the judicial authority to secure the reform, efficacy and protection of the judicial system in a manner that will enable it to perform its duties towards achieving justice, fighting corruption and abiding by the rule of the law in addition to implementing the law with transparency and integrity without interference from any party.

2. The government pledges to operate according to the Basic Law which organizes the relationship between the three authorities on the basis of separating between these authorities and respecting the authorities granted to the Presidency and to the government according to law and order.

3. The government shall assist the President in performing his various duties and will fully cooperate with the Presidency and constitutional institutions; it shall work with the PLC and the juridical authorities towards developing the Palestinian political system on the basis of creating a unified and strong national authority.

Fifth: Palestinian value system

1. The eleventh government shall pledge to reinforce national unity, protect social peace and encourage the values of mutual respect and the language of dialogue; it shall work towards ending all forms of tension and encouraging the culture of tolerance and protection of Palestinian lives along with prohibiting internal fighting.

2. The government reaffirms the unity of the Palestinian people inside and abroad and pledges to work towards the participation of our people outside the homeland in all matters pertaining to Palestinian affairs.

3. The government shall seek to reinforce comprehensive national conciliation through forming a higher national commission under the auspices of the presidency and the government to be formed by the PLC, the factions, respected personalities and legal experts and scholars. The aim of this commission is to end disputes between the factions and families, to assess the damage caused to properties and institutions and to resolve these problems.

4. The government shall reinforce the principle of citizenship through equal rights and duties and equal opportunities; it shall encourage social justice in appointments and recruitment in the various ministries and institutions and shall work to end all forms of political favoritism in civil and security appointments.

5. The government affirms its respect for the principle of political pluralism, the protection of public freedoms and the reinforcement of the values of Shura and democracy; it reaffirms its pledge to protect human rights and reinforce the principle of justice and equality; to protect freedom of the press and freedom of expression and to adhere to the peaceful transfer of power and authorities; it also pledges to work towards finalizing local council elections within the next six months.

6. The government shall commit to providing a dignified life to Palestinian citizens and providing basic life requirements and social welfare; it commits to meeting citizens’ health needs, developing health facilities, expanding health insurance and improving the situation in hospitals and clinics; it shall also work towards confronting poverty and unemployment through providing job opportunities, development projects, social security and a social welfare program; the government shall grant special attention to education and higher education and shall encourage and provide for scientific research.

7. To give attention to various sectors such as laborers, farmers and fishermen, youth and women so that women may assume the status they deserve based on their sacrifices; also so they can secure their participation in the decision making process and contribute in the building process of all institutions and ministries and in various fields.

Sixth: economic

1. The government shall work towards ending the siege imposed on our people through its programs and relations and by activating the regional and international frameworks to alleviate the suffering of the Palestinians.

2. The government shall give priority to upgrading and advancing the national economy and encouraging the revival of economic and trade sectors with the Arab and Islamic world; its shall also encourage economic and trade relations with the European Union and the rest of the world.

3. The government shall work towards ensuring protection of the consumer, encouraging the private sector and providing the proper climate for its activities; its shall lay down sound rules for government work and its official institutions and also for institutions of the private sector; it shall also work to end monopolies. The government shall work on providing the proper climate for and the protection and stability of investment projects.

4. The government shall work towards respecting the principles of free economy in a manner that meets our values and norms and which serves Palestinian development; it should also protect the private sector, encourage investment, fight unemployment and poverty, reinforce productive economic sectors, reconstruct the infrastructure and develop the industrial zone and the housing and technology sectors.

Seventh: reform

1. The government, which has adopted the reform strategy, reaffirms to the esteemed Council and to the people that we will remain faithful to them; the citizen shall discern this in the work of the government and through tangible achievements on the ground in the areas of administrative and financial reforms; this shall also be clear through its cooperation with the PLC on issuing laws that reinforce reform, fight corruption and review the structures and methods of operation in a manner that guarantees efficacy and performance in the ministries and their abidance by the law.

2. The government shall work on meeting the urgent needs of the citizen in the various fields through planning and initiatives and through defining expenditure priorities; it shall also rationalize its spending, launch initiatives and innovative ideas and maintain the highest degrees of credibility and transparency.

3. Within the context of reform, the government shall seek to fight corruption and reinforce the values of integrity and transparency; it shall refrain from abusing public funds and will offer the matter of administrative development a social dimension and societal culture towards formulating a Palestinian societal strategy for administrative development; it shall also develop a sound working mechanism based on the principles of modern administration which can assist in implementing this strategy according to the requirements and needs of the Palestinian society.

Eighth: International relations

While continuing to reiterate its Arab and Islamic identity, the government shall work on establishing sound and solid relations with various world countries, with international institutions, including the UN and the Security Council and international regional organizations in a manner that reinforces world peace and stability. The European Union has offered ample assistance to the Palestinians and has supported our people's right to freedom and independence; the EU has taken serious stances in criticizing the Israeli occupation’s policies; therefore, we are interested in solid ties with the EU and we hope it will take on a larger role in exerting pressure on the occupation authorities to respect human rights as stipulated by international charters, which call for a withdraw of its troops from the occupied Palestinian Territories and halt all aggressions against our people. The government seeks to develop relations with the permanent Security Council member countries, mainly Russia, China and Japan in addition to the African and Asian countries in a manner that secures the just rights of our people; the government also calls on the American Administration to reconsider its unjust positions towards the Palestinian cause and reiterates the need to respect the choice of the Palestinian people as realized and interpreted in the national unity government.