Were it not for the Shahrour farm’s dairy products I could have been a vegan (no animal products). I never could tolerate dairy products until I tried the real, preservative-free taste of Shahrour¹s rich butter, dry yogurt balls, and white goat cheese. Abu Mahmoud Shahrour and his extended family, a wife, six sons and three daughters and their spouses and 38 grandchildren are from Bala'a village in the suburb of Tulkarem. On the ever-green coastal hill of Bala¹a, the Shahrours run a small but successful business that spares the family the need to work for Israelis, and provides them a decent life, the pride of self-sufficiency, and the joy of togetherness and productivity within their small village community. The Shahrours have a small farm where the best Palestinian figs and plums grow, along with a herd of 30 cows and 60 goats. In their little “kingdom,” the Shahrours have a wealth of surviving wild Palestinian herbs that attract the attention of international botanists for their rarity. At a time when the tasteless products of plastic greenhouses flooded the markets, the Shahrours were among the few farmers who planted indigenous/organic tomatoes, cucumbers, onions and peppers that preserve the true taste of the red soil. All the Shahrours producing and locally distributing 500 liters of milk and other delicious dairy products every day. There in the village, where life is simple and people can survive off the land, the Shahrours have no refrigerators or preservatives for storing their products. The men would start milking the herd at dawn and hand the milk over to the women, who would cook some of it into yogurt, labneh and white cheese. Within three hours, the kids would distribute the dairy products to the villagers and their hungry stomachs. There was not a single day when the Shahrours had anything left to sell. In the pre-intifada days, when people could travel from Bala’a to Jerusalem, we used to consider ourselves lucky if the Shahrours had saved some of their good products to send to us, their family and friends in Jerusalem. During the three weeks of curfew Israel imposed on Bala¹a in August, however, the Shahrours faced a real threat to their business and daily life. Not only were they prevented from attending to their crops at the boundaries of their small farm, but every day they witnessed the waste of their work and nvestment. Um Mahmoud related bitterly how they used to get up in the morning to milk the animals but because of the curfew, were unable to market their products. “By noon the 132 gallons of milk would ferment, and we would pour our labor, sacrificed sleep and hopes of progress down the drain along with the spoilt milk,” she recalled sadly. “Each time I discarded the milk the men announced that they will not do the milking job the next morning. But every morning the animals would roar in pain because of their bloated udders, and I would feel sorry for them and force the men to get up to milk them. “If only the world would hear the roar of the pent-up pain and anger in our chests and intervene to end our suffering,” Um Mahmoud added. The Shahrours¹ experience of life under curfew is mild compared to the suffering of many people in the reoccupied Palestinian towns and villages. Hebron, with its suburban villages, was known as the bride of the Palestinian summer because of its “jewelry” of ripened fruits and vegetables. Today Hebron, which in the past few years provided products to Palestinian, Israeli and Jordanian markets, has become a widow under siege and curfew. Every day, its farmers are losing hundreds of tons of grapes, peaches and plums, which are dying in their orchards and vineyards because the closure and harassment by settlers prevent Palestinian hands from picking the harvest and sending it to even the nearest towns and villages where people need food badly. In Gaza, 60 miles west of Hebron, the cries of hungry laborers who lost their jobs in Israeli areas since the intifada began grow louder every day. Our laborers have lost their jobs, our farmers have lost their crops, and few of us employed by the government or private businesses can reach our places of work. Israel’s well-orchestrated strategy of targeting Palestinian social life and destroying our economy independence and personal prosperity, has resulted in exacerbated poverty and unemployment. Recent surveys show that 65 percent of the nation is living below the poverty line, and the unemployment rate has soared to 60 percent. Health indicators are deteriorating dramatically. This policy of destroying civilian life aims not only to sap Palestinian morale, but to trap those of us with empty stomachs and failing spirits into the quicksand of collaboration. Israeli policymakers think that by starving the Palestinians our cries of hunger will grow louder than our cries for liberation and we will lose the energy to resist. It seems not to have occurred to the Israeli government, however, that some hungry people are capable of “eating” their enemy. While our villagers mourn the waste of the bounties of their farms, our urban dwellers starve in the confinement of their apartment buildings in Ramallah, Nablus and Bethlehem. In Nablus, where people have been living under a 78-day curfew, our friends, university staff, have starved after consuming all their canned and frozen food in the first few weeks of curfew. Not until some international peace activists brought them a little food to help them survive were they able to regain some of their health and demeanor. As a Palestinian and a human being, I want to convey my thanks to the international charities and humanitarian organizations which try to send food and medical aid to a nation living under the most absolute brutal oppression imposed by foreign occupiers of a nation whose “crime” is to continue living in the land of their birth. Such aid is very welcome, and what it symbolizes is very moving. I have to say, however, that it is not the cure. What we are demanding is not that the world treat Palestinians’ symptoms of hunger, but rather that it address and correct the pathology of occupation. Help end the cause of our suffering and free our people, who are gasping for breath under Israeli aggression. Then, we, Palestinians, will liberate ourselves, with our own hands, from disease, poverty and pangs of hunger. Read More...
By: Zeina Ashrawi Hutchison
Date: 25/06/2008
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Denied the Right to Go Home
(Hanan Ashrawi’s daughter telling her story) I am Palestinian - born and raised - and my Palestinian roots go back centuries. No one can change that even if they tell me that Jerusalem , my birth place, is not Palestine , even if they tell me that Palestine doesn't exist, even if they take away all my papers and deny me entry to my own home, even if they humiliate me and take away my rights. I AM PALESTINIAN. Name: Zeina Emile Sam'an Ashrawi; Date of Birth: July 30, 1981; Ethnicity: Arab. This is what was written on my Jerusalem ID card. An ID card to a Palestinian is much more than just a piece of paper; it is my only legal documented relationship to Palestine . Born in Jerusalem , I was given a Jerusalem ID card (the blue ID), an Israeli Travel Document and a Jordanian Passport stamped Palestinian (I have no legal rights in Jordan ). I do not have an Israeli Passport, a Palestinian Passport or an American Passport. Here is my story: I came to the United States as a 17 year old to finish high school in Pennsylvania and went on to college and graduate school and subsequently got married and we are currently living in Northern Virginia. I have gone home every year at least once to see my parents, my family and my friends and to renew my Travel Document as I was only able to extend its validity once a year from Washington DC . My father and I would stand in line at the Israeli Ministry of Interior in Jerusalem , along with many other Palestinians, from 4:30 in the morning to try our luck at making it through the revolving metal doors of the Ministry before noon – when the Ministry closed its doors - to try and renew the Travel Document. We did that year after year. As a people living under an occupation, being faced with constant humiliation by an occupier was the norm but we did what we had to do to insure our identity was not stolen from us. In August of 2007 I went to the Israeli Embassy in Washington DC to try and extend my travel document and get the usual "Returning Resident" VISA that the Israelis issue to Palestinians holding an Israeli Travel Document. After watching a few Americans and others being told that their visas would be ready in a couple of weeks my turn came. I walked up to the bulletproof glass window shielding the lady working behind it and under a massive picture of the Dome of the Rock and the Walls of Jerusalem that hangs on the wall in the Israeli consulate, I handed her my papers through a little slot at the bottom of the window. "Shalom" she said with a smile. "Hi" I responded, apprehensive and scared. As soon as she saw my Travel Document her demeanor immediately changed. The smile was no longer there and there was very little small talk between us, as usual. After sifting through the paperwork I gave her she said: "where is your American Passport?" I explained to her that I did not have one and that my only Travel Document is the one she has in her hands. She was quiet for a few seconds and then said: "you don't have an American Passport?" suspicious that I was hiding information from her. "No!" I said. She was quiet for a little longer and then said: "Well, I am not sure we'll be able to extend your Travel Document." I felt the blood rushing to my head as this is my only means to get home! I asked her what she meant by that and she went on to tell me that since I had been living in the US and because I had a Green Card they would not extend my Travel Document. After taking a deep breath to try and control my temper I explained to her that a Green Card is not a Passport and I cannot use it to travel outside the US. My voice was shaky and I was getting more and more upset (and a mini shouting match ensued) so I asked her to explain to me what I needed to do. She told me to leave my paperwork and we would see what happens. A couple of weeks later I received a phone call from the lady telling me that she was able to extended my Travel Document but I would no longer be getting the "Returning Resident" VISA. Instead, I was given a 3 month tourist VISA. Initially I was happy to hear that the Travel Document was extended but then I realized that she said "tourist VISA". Why am I getting a tourist VISA to go home? Not wanting to argue with her about the 3 month VISA at the time so as not to jeopardize the extension of my Travel Document, I simply put that bit of information on the back burner and went on to explain to her that I wasn't going home in the next 3 months. She instructed me to come back and apply for another VISA when I did intend on going. She didn't add much and just told me that it was ready for pick-up. So I went to the Embassy and got my Travel Document and the tourist VISA that was stamped in it. My husband, my son and I were planning on going home to Palestine this summer. So a month before we were set to leave (July 8, 2008) I went to the Israeli Embassy in Washington DC, papers in hand, to ask 2 for a VISA to go home. I, again, stood in line and watched others get VISAs to go to my home. When my turn came I walked up to the window; "Shalom" she said with a smile on her face, "Hi" I replied. I slipped the paperwork in the little slot under the bulletproof glass and waited for the usual reaction. I told her that I needed a returning resident VISA to go home. She took the paperwork and I gave her a check for the amount she requested and left the Embassy without incident. A few days ago I got a phone call from Dina at the Israeli Embassy telling me that she needed the expiration date of my Jordanian Passport and my Green Card. I had given them all the paperwork they needed time and time again and I thought it was a good way on their part to waste time so that I didn't get my VISA in time. Regardless, I called over and over again only to get their voice mail. I left a message with the information they needed but kept called every 10 minutes hoping to speak to someone to make sure that they received the information in an effort to expedite the tedious process. I finally got a hold of someone. I told her that I wanted to make sure they received the information I left on their voice mail and that I wanted to make sure that my paperwork was in order. She said, after consulting with someone in the background (I assume it was Dina), that I needed to fax copies of both my Jordanian Passport and my Green Card and that giving them the information over the phone wasn't acceptable. So I immediately made copies and faxed them to Dina. A few hours later my cell phone rang. "Zeina?" she said. "Yes" I replied, knowing exactly who it was and immediately asked her if she received the fax I sent. She said: "ehhh, I was not looking at your file when you called earlier but your Visa was denied and your ID and Travel Document are no longer valid." "Excuse me?" I said in disbelief. "Sorry, I cannot give you a visa and your ID and Travel Document are no longer valid. This decision came from Israel not from me." I cannot describe the feeling I got in the pit of my stomach. "Why?" I asked and Dina went on to tell me that it was because I had a Green Card. I tried to reason with Dina and to explain to her that they could not do that as this is my only means of travel home and that I wanted to see my parents, but to no avail. Dina held her ground and told me that I wouldn't be given the VISA and then said: "Let the Americans give you a Travel Document". I have always been a strong person and not one to show weakness but at that moment I lost all control and started crying while Dina was on the other end of the line holding my only legal documents linking me to my home. I began to plead with her to try and get the VISA and not revoke my documents; "put yourself in my shoes, what would you do? You want to go see your family and someone is telling you that you can't! What would you do? Forget that you're Israeli and that I'm Palestinian and think about this for a minute!" "Sorry" she said," I know but I can't do anything, the decision came from Israel ". I tried to explain to her over and over again that I could not travel without my Travel Document and that they could not do that - knowing that they could, and they had! This has been happening to many Palestinians who have a Jerusalem ID card. The Israeli government has been practicing and perfecting the art of ethnic cleansing since 1948 right under the nose of the world and no one has the power or the guts to do anything about it. Where else in the world does one have to beg to go to one's own home? Where else in the world does one have to give up their identity for the sole reason of living somewhere else for a period of time? Imagine if an American living in Spain for a few years wanted to go home only to be told by the American government that their American Passport was revoked and that they wouldn't be able to come back! If I were a Jew living anywhere around the world and had no ties to the area and had never set foot there, I would have the right to go any time I wanted and get an Israeli Passport. In fact, the Israelis encourage that. I however, am not Jewish but I was born and raised there, my parents, family and friends still live there and I cannot go back! I am neither a criminal nor a threat to one of the most powerful countries in the world, yet I am alienated and expelled from my own home. As it stands right now, I will be unable to go home - I am one of many.
By: Dana Shalash for MIFTAH
Date: 26/10/2006
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Ramadan Ended! Now What?
So today is the third day of Eid Al Fitr that all Muslims worldwide celebrate right after the culmination of the month of Ramadan. Not sure if it’s only me, but Ramadan seems to have lost its glory. Years ago when I was a child, people’s attitudes towards both Ramadan and Eid (festival) were way different than now. Maybe I have grown up to the extent that I see in them nothing but the mere fact that few arrogant relatives come for a visit for a couple of minutes, and everyone just sucks them up. It has been a gloomy day in deed. Being self-centered often times, I thought that my own family never enjoyed the Ramadan that other people celebrate. But the night prior to the Eid, I went for a drive to Ramallah with my uncle and three sisters, we toured around Al Manara and the mall a bit, and felt the legendary atmosphere. People were happy. That hit me; I am not accustomed to seeing them vividly preoccupied with the preparation for the big “day.” So I came back home and wrote to all my contacts wishing them a Happy Eid and expressed my astonishment and satisfaction to see promising smiles in the crowded streets of Ramallah. But the sad part was that I knew it was merely fleeting moments and that those smiles would be wiped off soon. Not only have my fears become true, but I was blind. Yes, blind. Or may be I just chose not to see it. May be I wanted to believe that we are actually happy. Would I miss Ramadan? NO. Not really. It has been made hell this year. While Ramadan is believed to be the holy month during which people get closer to Allah by fasting from food and drink all day long and focus on their faith instead, I am not pretty sure this was the case with us Palestinians. It was only a drug. Ramadan numbed our pain. We could handle both the Israeli and Palestinian political, economic, and security pressure knowing that the day of salvation was approaching; the Eid. But after the three days elapsed, then what? Now thousands of Palestinians are waiting for the next phase. It has been seven months now. Seven months, and thousands of the PA employees have not received their salaries. And two months elapsed with millions of students deprived form their right of education. I have three sisters and two brothers who do nothing but stay at home. They have not attended school from the very beginning of this term. It is both sad and frustrating that they have to “do the time” and pay a high price. Reading the news headlines on the first days of Eid is not healthy at all. It lessens the effect of the drug, and one starts to get sober. Sounds funny in deed, but that was the case. Few minutes ago, I surfed some of the blogs and came across few Iraqi bloggers writing on both Ramadan and Eid. If the titles did not mention “in Iraq,” I swear I could never tell the difference between Iraq and Palestine. The hunger, misery, constant killing, and lack of security are all Palestinian symptoms. I am speechless now; I can hardly verbalize the so many conflicting thoughts. Heaven knows how things would be like next Ramadan, but I would not speculate it already. It is not time to worry about it now, other issues are on stake; food, money, and education. Until then, there are a lot of things to sort out. By: Margo Sabella
Date: 27/07/2006
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Children will Judge
Yesterday, I realized that I believe in love at first sight. Not the romantic kind, rather the sense of connecting with another human being without ever having to say a word. Indeed, the person I was so enthralled with last night was a five-month-old girl, who smiled at me and then hid her face in shyness. Those few moments of interacting with this baby lifted my spirits, but it also made me reflect in sadness about the fact that many children in this current conflict are robbed of their joy and their childhood. I often contemplate how mature Palestinian children seem. Sure, they play the childhood games that we all played in our day, but there is wisdom in their words that is eerily sobering. Their age defines them as children, but if you have a conversation with a Palestinian child, you will realize how much awareness she has of the world around her, of suffering in the next village, in Gaza, in Lebanon. She is a child that has empathy and understands that life, by nature, is wrought with all sorts of difficulties. A Palestinian child knows better; life is not as it is depicted in cartoons, where those who die are miraculously resurrected not once, but several times, where injuries are healed instantaneously, where death is a joke and life is a series of slapstick moments. A Palestinian child escapes into imagination, but she is never far removed from the reality of children and adults alike being indiscriminately shot outside her window, in her classroom, at the local bakery. Who would have thought that normal things, simply walking down the street to grab a falafel sandwich, could result in your untimely death? Perhaps the Israeli army mistook the falafel stand for a bomb-making factory, or an ammunition shop? Make no mistake about it; the Israeli military have made too many “mistakes” that there is obviously a pattern there, wouldn’t you think? A child that is robbed of the sense of security, therefore, is a child that is mature beyond her years. She knows that the bullets and the tank shells do not discriminate. Her father can shield her from the neighbor’s vicious dog, from the crazy drivers, he will hold her hand to cross the street, but he will not be able to capture a bullet in his hand like the mythological superheroes in blockbuster movies out this summer in theatres near you. He might be able to take the bullet for her though. But once gone, who will be her protective shield against the harsh reality of life that goes on in what seems the periphery of the conflict? And who will be there to share some of her joyous milestones; graduation, marriage, the birth of a child? Hers is a joy that is always overshadowed by a greater sorrow. Is it fair that 31 Palestinian children have died in a 31-day period? A child-a-day; is that the new Israeli army mantra? Khaled was just a one-year-old, Aya was seven, Sabreen was only three. What lost potential, what lost promise – who knows what Khaled would have grown up to be? An astronaut? A veterinarian? A philosopher? What about Aya; she could have become a fashion designer, a teacher, a mother. By what right has this promise been so violently plucked and trampled upon cruelly and without a moment’s hesitation on the part of the Israeli soldier, who heartlessly unleashed a fiery rain of bullets and shells on a neighborhood as if he is in a simulated video game and those who die are fictitious and unreal? Perhaps that is what he is made to believe, otherwise, who in clear consciousness is so willing to pull the trigger and with one spray of bullets destroy life, potential and rob joy? If you can see the smiling face of your own child, then how do you go out and unquestioningly take the life of others? If you value life, then how do you live with the burden of knowing that you have taken it so unjustifiably? Perhaps that is your perpetual punishment; the judgment of a child scorned is the harshest of them all.
By the Same Author
Date: 06/09/2007
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Don’t Hijack the Birds of Palestine
FOR ISRAEL’S 60th anniversary celebrations next year, a national bird will be chosen for Israel to call its own. According to Israeli officials, “This is part of the culture of nature-loving nations and a tool to generate local identification. It is also a way to raise the issue of environmentalism and animal protection.” The director of the Jerusalem Bird Observatory has suggested that the Israeli public be a partner in choosing a bird to represent and be identified with the country. The bulbul, a festive songbird that is common in Wadi El Bazan, Wadi Al Qilt and Ein Qeenia, and the Palestine sunbird, a small black bird with glittering iridescent colors prevalent in desert areas, were considered, but its English name kept the latter out of the running, according to Haaretz. While this discussion on birds was taking place among Israelis there was an internal revolution provoked by some Palestinians on another bird: the one in the title of Speak Bird, Speak Again, an anthology of Palestinian folk tales. The book was ordered pulled from school libraries by an official in the Palestinian Ministry of Education, reportedly over sexual innuendo and “shameful expressions” to which, according to the ministry decree, students should not be exposed. Although Minister of Education Naser-Al Deen Al Shaer clarified that the book can remain in the hands of teachers but not of schoolchildren, the controversy resulted in several protests and demonstrations on Palestinian streets and was used as an opportunity to describe the government as “the radical Hamas militant government,” “people of darkness” and “the Taliban of Palestine.” Of course these calls were trumpeted by the mainstream Western media. Although this press reports few if any of Israel’s daily atrocities against all Palestinians, it suddenly is greatly concerned about “Palestinian intellectuals angered, oppressed and worried that Hamas [is using] last year’s election victory to remake the Palestinian territories according to its hard-line interpretation of Islam.” The Western media fail to mention, however, that Speak Bird, Speak Again is not the first book banned in Palestine. The late Edward Said’s books were banned throughout Palestine by the same Palestinians who are making such a big fuss today, and their house “intellectuals” remained silent. Nor is it only in Palestine that the Ministry of Education censors what is allowed in the hands and minds of its pupils—similar controversies arise in France and the United States. In the midst of this foul propaganda, neither the international media, the “Palestinian intellectuals” nor the government on the defensive paid any attention at all to the poor bulbul and the Palestinian sunbird that are being hijacked by Israel for its own use. Among other things, Palestine is experiencing a crisis between a Western-supported class of elite Palestinians that has its own associations and institutions and is self-identified as the cultural face of Palestine, and ordinary Palestinians, many government employees, who are growing increasingly weary as they struggle to earn a living. Their voice is heard neither locally nor internationally. Although many do not realize it, the distance between the two classes is increasing, and the resulting fragmentation in Palestinian society continues to spread like a plague among our people. According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics’ study of the demographic and socioeconomic status of the Palestinian people at the end of 2006, the Palestinian elite class grew wealthier, despite the embargo and the widespread poverty it has caused. Income distribution in 2006 was reshaped in favor of rich households at the expense of the middle class. In fact, the share of income earned by the richest 10 percent of Palestinian households increased by 24 percent during 2006 (from 25.1 percent in 2005 to 30.6 percent at the end of the second quarter of 2006). On the other hand, middle class income declined by 12 percent, while the share of income earned by poorest 20 percent of households did not change. Washington’s Favored Few Just as Washington, through its punitive embargo, taketh away with one hand, however, it also giveth with the other to those in its favor. The U.S. State Department has set aside a huge budget to “protect and promote moderation and democratic alternatives to Hamas,” and provides money to NGOs and other groups with ties to Palestinian political parties “not branded as terrorist groups.” The money is used to train politicians and secular parties opposed to Hamas—“to create democratic alternatives to authoritarian or radical Islamist political options”—and also is given to journalists who snipe at the government and manipulate public opinion. According to reports, private Palestinian schools will receive $5 million in order to offer an alternative to the government-funded public education system—meaning the brainwashing will start from childhood. Western money is helping create political and civil society elites, domesticated Palestinians who bend their language to their masters’ requirements. Acting contrary to our values and our reality, they alienate us—yet are allowed to speak in our names. As long as they are willing to sell out and divert the Palestinian national agenda, the international community is willing to give them every right, and the right to everything. Yet they espouse the same dogma of the people they look down upon—the same fractional, tribal, and regional mentality—and run the same one-man show, with a central person in the position of power regardless of others’ education or level of professionalism. They have a monopoly on the job market and the power to hire and fire. Those they hire come from the same political and ideological background. They see their mission as being to civilize the jungle dwellers called Palestinians and to teach us about ideals that sell very well abroad: peace and democracy education (in theory only), gender issues and women’s rights (as if all other Palestinians enjoy their human rights), and dialogue and partnership (a de rigeur subject these days). Western donors are most unlikely to fund a Jerusalem-based Palestinian NGO, or one working for Palestinian prisoners’ and refugees’ rights. When I attend workshops and conferences on mental health in Palestine, I hear about incest—which is extremely rare in Palestine, and when it does happens it is the result of a psychologically pathological situation—more often than I hear about the problem of mental retardation, which is so tragically prevalent and for which we have no decent institutions. But demonizing our men and condemning Palestinian patriarchy is a good cause for those seeking funds and the donors who want to reinforce our stereotypes. Yes, there is patriarchy in Palestine—a patriarchy that protects women and provides a resolution for disputes in the total absence of a state. If my car has a flat tire, 10 men I don’t know will come to help fix it. In Paris, on the other hand, a woman was raped in the Metro and no one intervened. Let’s be fair to our community and focus on the norm rather than the exception, and learn how to prioritise instead of always competing for foreign funds. Between Western donors and their favored recipient organizations, many local birds find no nests in Palestine. Samah Jabr is a psychiatrist practicing in her native Jerusalem.
Date: 22/12/2004
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The Children of Palestine: A Generation of Hope and Despair
MORE THAN HALF the Palestinians population—53 percent—are children under the age of 17. The majority of Palestinians, therefore, consist of the community’s most vulnerable members. Not only are they in a crucial stage of physical and mental development, but they are a direct target of Israeli military violence. As the fourth generation of Palestinian trauma, moreover, they are the bearers of the accumulated heavy inheritance of national loss. No wonder, then, that the current four-year-old crisis is raising grave concerns about the present and future of the children of Palestine. With the exception of recent media reporting of the latest Israeli atrocities in Gaza, which killed 35 children, more than a third of the total number of victims, the plight of Palestinian children is unknown to people following our crises on television. Media reports typically slander our children’s reputation, character, culture and even religious principles, or treat them as mere statistics. The reality of our young ones’ lives is invisible in international news coverage. Instead, the media portray Palestinian children as unloved by their families, who push them into harm’s way to achieve political gain or use them for economic reasons. Palestinian fertility is treated as an epidemic; our culture is stereotyped as one of violence and hatred. Even though it is not we who are the world’s producers of horror movies and war games, as the conflict seeps into every aspect of our children’s lives, as our kids become more accustomed to the noise of bombardment than to the singing of birds, as violence permeates our homes, schools and public places, it is no wonder that our kids invent their play from such reality. The soldiers versus the intifada boys is the game played in almost all Palestinian homes. Attesting to Israel’s deliberate targeting of children is the fact that 20 percent of the total number of intifada victims were children going about their normal daily activities such as going to school, playing, shopping, or simply being in their homes or yards. They were killed and injured in Israeli air and ground attacks, by indiscriminate fire from Israeli soldiers, or by being shot by IDF snipers. Indeed, among those children injured, 45 percent were wounded in the upper parts of their bodies—in their heads, necks or chests—while other were shot from behind, or in their eyes and knees to permanently handicap them without increasing the number of those killed. Recent international studies have concluded that 40 percent of the children living in the West Bank and Gaza are anaemic, while 23 percent suffer from chronic or acute malnutrition. This predisposes them to contract life-threatening diseases, affects their intelligence and vastly increases the rate of attention deficit disorder. Women who were malnourished in their youth have increased rates of premature birth and high blood pressure in pregnancy. Israel’s wall and siege have affected our children’s’ schooling. A significant drop-out rate has been correlated with oppressive Israeli measures. Not only have Palestinian students been killed, injured, and arrested, but Israeli occupation troops have shelled and attacked hundreds of schools, closed several, turning them into military bases, and hindered teaching at many others. Children and teachers on the way to school are routinely tear-gassed, harassed, or present when soldiers open fire. All of this, needless to say, affects the quality of instruction and a child’s ability to perform well once in class. Additional factors such as increasingly stressful home environments and Israeli military raids on residential neighborhoods exacerbate the difficult situation. Our children also suffer from an increasing poverty rate. A staggering 66.5 percent of Palestinians live below the poverty line. Unemployment has risen to more than 65 percent of the labor force. Consequently, large numbers of children are forced to play an adult role and work to help their families survive. An estimated 2.3 percent of Palestinian children between the ages of 10 and 17 years old are working. One hears poignant stories of children dropping out of school due to difficult economic circumstances that force them to sneak through mountains and valleys to reach Jerusalem, where they can sell cigarettes and water bottles at the road junctions for little gain. Our children are also among those who suffer in Israeli prisons. Israel currently holds 370 children, including some as young as 11 years old, in its detention centers and prisons, and a further 209 turned 18 while imprisoned. Testimonies gathered from child prisoners, and confirmed by local and international human rights organizations, indicate that from the moment of arrest and throughout their incarceration these children are subjected to a systematic pattern of physical and psychological abuse, often amounting to torture. Such abuse includes being beaten, tied in contorted positions for extended periods of time, deprived of food and sleep, and being threatened and humiliated. Family and attorney visits regularly are obstructed or denied. Israel’s subjection of Palestinian children to killing, torture and dislocation is flagrant and touches every aspect of their lives. Its blatant violation of the 1989 Child Rights Convention and the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention has raised the concerns of local researchers, academics, and governmental and non-governmental institutions, especially in the area of mental health. Some studies suggest that psychological trauma has affected more than 68 percent of Palestinian children, arresting their normal psychological, mental and social development. As a medical doctor specializing in psychiatry, I have made the following notes based on my limited observations and impressions while working in Palestine. Many children were brought to pediatric and psychiatric clinics suffering from symptoms attributable to their direct involvement or witnessing of political violence. They exhibited symptoms of depression, such as feeling sad, lonely and desperate, and physical signs such as loss of appetite. Others showed signs of anxiety, such as feeling sick and worried, or having pains all over their body thinking of bad and frightening things. Some complained of sleeping difficulties, such as having nightmares and bad dreams, fear of the dark, or waking up frequently during the night. Cognitive problems were manifested in poor school performance, reading, and writing, or in having difficulty concentrating and remembering. Symptoms of aggression included difficulty controlling hostility, destructive behavior, and quarrelling and fighting with adults and peers. Despite the trying circumstances of their lives, however, Palestinian children also exhibit resilience. Examples include students’ participation in cleaning up the rubble from the demolition of a friend’s home, visiting an injured colleague, taking an active role in peaceful demonstrations, and alternative education, when they continue to go to school against all the obstacles. One survey showed that while 85 percent of children surveyed believe that the political situation is unlikely to improve, 90 percent responded that personal and academic ‘’self-improvement’’ was their main way of coping with the current situation and preparing for the future. Even though our children’s suffering will continue as long as Israel occupies our land, it is essential that in the meantime we provide to the best of our ability the conditions necessary for their healthy development, such as stability, security, recreation, and sound nutrition. What is needed instead is public awareness and organized efforts to protect them from the dangers that surround them. This can be done on two levels: first by lessening their isolation—by developing “adoption” and friendship programs with people in the outside world, for example, including Palestinians in the Diaspora and understanding people in the international community. This will not only help our children morally and intellectually, but will let them know there are people living outside Israel’s walls who think about them and communicate their love to them. This will also help our children to communicate better themselves, through arts, languages and modern technology. Palestinian children living under occupation also should be urged to take action. During the first infifada, those who participated in active resistance against Israeli soldiers were found to have fewer symptoms than those who did not, and had better coping abilities than those who felt helpless and stayed at home. At the societal level, Palestinians need a sense of collectiveness, especially following the death of their leaders. Palestinians already have a remarkably strong social fabric and family solidarity. Despite all the poverty, our people don’t search for their food in trash cans, and no one sleeps in the street, despite the hundreds of homes demolished. Since it also was found during the first intifada that children who had warm and supportive experiences with their parents had fewer symptoms, an effective welfare system would have a positive effect on the whole society. Commitment to an ideology and an understanding of why events occur can be an important contributor to steadfastness, enabling people of principle and ideology to better cope with difficult times. It is hard not to wonder whether Israel’s targeting of Palestinian children is deliberately designed to create a traumatized future generation, passive, confused and incapable of resistance. It is no secret, after all, that psychological trauma is not a temporary crisis but a phenomenon with long-term effects that will become more prominent as the physical injury subsides. Clearly, it will take many years to mitigate the damage inflicted on our next generation. Still, and even more than ever, our children represent our hopes. Date: 10/11/2003
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The Palestinian Resistance: Its Legitimate Right and the Moral Duty
The overwhelming and ceaseless atrocities of Israel’s government leave most Palestinians with little opportunity to reflect on the moral aspect of our resistance. Most often our reactions to events are immediate, instinctive and emotional. The few who still manage to consider the moral, political and strategic aspects of our struggle may find themselves all but stymied by the contradictions, the lack of choice, and the damage done by war to both reason and conscience. How can Palestinian resistance be fairly assessed, then, with due consideration given to the entire history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? The occupation of Palestine is based on a 19th century ideology that denied the very existence of the Palestinian people and pursued a colonial agenda asserting divine claims to a “land without a people.” In response to this “theo-colonial” aggression, the Palestinian resistance adopted the strategy of “a protracted people’s war” to regain recognition as a dispossessed, rather than “nonexistent” nation. To this day Palestinians still have no state or armed forces. Our occupiers subject us to curfews, expulsions, home demolitions, legalized torture, and a highly imaginative assortment of human rights violations. No justifiable comparison can be drawn between the level of official accountability to which Palestinans are held for the actions of a few individuals and the responsibility for the systematic and intense violence against the entire Palestinian population practiced with impunity by the state of Israel. The American media call our search for freedom “terrorism,” thus casting the Palestinian in the role of the international prototype for the terrorist. This has shaped Western public consciousness and resulted in an international bias that tends to describe instances of violence against Palestinian civilians in neutral language, reducing Palestinian losses to mere faceless statistics, while using emotional language and visuals to describe Israeli losses. This distortion of the Palestinian resistance has clouded all reasonable dialogue. Many of our efforts to defy the arbitrary rules of the occupier are reflexively dismissed as “terrorism,” and we are always expected to apologize for and condemn Palestinian resistance—despite the lack of agreement on a definition of terrorism, and the fact that the right to self-determination by armed struggle is permissible under the United Nations Charter’s Article 51, concerning self-defense. Why is the word “terrorism” so readily applied to individuals or groups who use homemade bombs, but not to states using nuclear and other internationally prohibited weapons to ensure submission to the oppressor? Israel, the United States and Britain should top the list of terrorism-exporting states for their use of armed attacks against non-combatants in Palestine, Iraq, Sudan and other parts of the world. But “terrorism” is a political term used by the colonizer to discredit those who resist—as the Afrikaaners and Nazis named the Black and French freedom fighters, respectively. There also is a trend among those who oppose Palestinian resistance to use the term “jihad” as a synonym for terrorism. In doing so, they reduce the meaning of jihad to mere death. Jihad is a rich concept which includes struggling against one’s lesser self, the effort to do good deeds, actively opposing injustice, and being patient in times of hardship. It is not about violence against God’s creatures, or not fearing death in defending the rights of God’s creations. Violence can, however, be a rational human’s means of defense. When a woman reacts violently when threatened with rape, that is a form of jihad. Moreover, jihad is an Islamic value—and not all Palestinian fighters are Muslims. The reason why young, sincere altruistic Palestinians blow themselves up is a secret they take with them to the grave. Perhaps it is the strange fruit of revenge growing in the fertile soil of oppression and occupation, or their profound protest against merciless cruelty; or a desperate attempt at attaining equality with Israelis in death, since it is impossible for them in life. Those who live under inhuman conditions all their lives are, unfortunately, capable of inhuman acts. What is left for the homeless thousands in Rafah except their resistance? It is not Islam; it is human nature, shared by religious, secular and agnostic Palestinian men and women. Certainly our women bombers do not die in the expectation of 70 virgins awaiting them in Paradise. Another factor influencing Palestinian resistance is the gloomy history of peace talks and the lack of international support. Negotiations with Israel have given us nothing but promises of autonomy over our impoverishment, while enforcing the will of the powerful and establishing illegalities, as the basis for a lasting settlement. The most glaring absence in this peace process was an honest peace broker. The United Nations has been unable to take steps to ensure the implementation of Palestinian rights. The world has offered not a single remedy for the numerous wounds the Palestinians have suffered; Washington repeatedly has used its veto in the Security Council to thwart the broad consensus calling for an international monitoring presence in the West Bank and Gaza. The relentless denial of Palestinian rights without an effective verbal or actual international response has left us acutely aware that self-defense is our only hope. International law grants a people fighting an illegal occupation the right to use “all necessary means at their disposal” to end their occupation, and the occupied “are entitled to seek and receive support” (I quote here from several United Nations resolutions). Armed resistance was used in the American Revolution, the Afghan resistance against Russia (which the U.S. supported), the French resistance against the Nazis, and even in the Nazi concentration camps, or, more famously, in the Warsaw Ghetto. Palestinian resistance arises out of a similarly oppressive situation. The degree of violent response varies from case to case—indeed, in many instances resistance is mainly nonviolent. Despite all the odds against them, people resiliently continue to live, study, pray and plant crops in occupied land. In a few cases, they actively resist and resort to violence. This violent resistance may be defensive (and, thus, to my mind, morally acceptable), such as the resistance of the Jenin refugee camp fighters as Israeli death machines approached; or it may take the form of unacceptable offensive acts, such as the bombing of Israeli civilians celebrating a Passover meal. In all cases, however, it is individual Palestinians who choose the form of resistance, and the choices they make should not characterize the entire nation. Also, as we have seen, both peaceful and violent resistance are met with sanctioned, deliberate state violence by the democratic and free Israeli government and its forces. The death of American peace activist Rachel Corrie is evidence enough of that. “Where is the Palestinian Gandhi?” some people wonder. Our Gandhis are either in prison, in exile or in graves. Nor do we have a population in the hundreds of millions. We are 3.3 million unarmed, defenseless individuals facing 6 million Israelis, virtually all of them soldiers or reservists. This is not industrial colonization; the Israelis are practicing ethnic cleansing to secure the land for Jews alone. It is ironic that few of those who exhort Palestinians to emulate Gandhi question Zionism, the root cause of the Israeli occupation. In 1938, however, Gandhi himself questioned the premise of political Zionism. “My sympathy does not blind me to the requirements of justice,” he said. “The cry for the national home for the Jews does not much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the Bible and in the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after their return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth, make that country their home where they are born and where they earn their livelihood?” Gandhi clearly rejected the idea of a Jewish state in the Promised Land by pointing out that the “Palestine of the Biblical conception is not a geographical tract.” Violent resistance arises from an inhuman military occupation, one that levies punishment arbitrarily and without trial, denies the possibility of livelihood and systematically destroys the prospects of a future. The Palestinian people have not gone to another people’s homeland to kill or dispossess. Our ambition is not to blow ourselves up in order to terrify others. We are asking for what all other people rightfully have—a decent life in the land of our birth. What is most troubling about the criticism of our resistance is that it cares little for our suffering, our dispossession, and the violation of our most basic rights. When we are murdered, these critics are unmoved. Our peaceful, everyday struggle to live a decent life makes no impression on them. When some of us succumb to retaliation and revenge, the outrage and condemnation is directed at us all. Israeli security is deemed more important than our right to a basic livelihood; Israeli children are seen as more human than ours; Israeli pain more unacceptable than ours. When we rebel against the inhuman conditions imposed upon us, our critics dismiss us as terrorists, enemies of human life and civilization. But it is not to appease our critics that we must revisit our resistance. It is because we care about Palestinian morality and morale. International law and the historical precedent of many nations sanction the right of a people suffering from colonial oppression to take up arms in their freedom struggle. Why should it be different in the case of Palestinians? Is not the point of international law that it is universal? Americans claim life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as their most fundamental human rights. It is fitting that the right to life should be mentioned first. After all, without the right to remain alive, to be safe from attack, to defend oneself against attack, the other rights become meaningless. Fundamental to that right is exercising the right of self-defense. We Palestinians continue to face a brutal occupation with exposed chests and empty hands. I believe in dialogue in the Israeli-Palestinian encounter, but negotiations should never be the only option; they must go hand-in-hand with resistance to the occupation. While the Israelis talk to us they continue to build settlements and hastily construct a wall that will further constrict and violate our rights. Why should we abandon our right to resist and remain living in the realm of the murderously absurd? To live under oppression and submit to injustice is incompatible with psychological health. Resistance not only is a right and a duty, but is a remedy for the oppressed. Even if not as a strategic, pragmatic option, we should resist as an expression of—and insistence on—our human dignity. Violent resistance must always be in defense, and as the last resort. It is important, however, to distinguish between permissible (military) and impermissible (civilian) targets, and to set limits for the use of arms. Nor must the oppressor be exempt from these same principles. The history of our resistance must be explored and assessed from the perspectives of law, morality, experience and politics, taking timing and context into account and with due regard for human rights, international law and widely shared norms of behavior. Palestinians must be creative in providing effective peaceful alternatives for resistance that can invite the progressives of the world to join our struggle. Ultimately, the strength of the Palestinian plight lies in its moral, humanitarian characteristics; it is to our benefit to find moral, humanitarian means to protect that strength. Date: 03/12/2002
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Our Living Martyrs
WHEN I meet the mother of a Palestinian killed in this conflict, I don't cry with her or ask her to show artificial pride and strength. Instead I say, "Your beloved is in God's hands, where life is more just and fair than ours." Many times, my words have been effective. But when I meet a mother of a Palestinian political prisoner, I don't know what to say. I choke with the words dead in my throat.
A month ago, I went to Neve Tirza to stand in solidarity with a group of women political prisoners inside the jail who were on a hunger strike. There were only about 50 of us in the protest, a meager group compared to the massive crowds that usually follow the funeral of a martyr or the hundreds who line up outside universities to holler out their positions and announce a strike in protest. Standing there looking at the meager showing, I imagined that some who might have joined us had been stopped at checkpoints. Certainly others had to make use of a day in which Israeli travel restrictions had relented to see what food they could find. Perhaps some hurried to their offices in hopes of getting a little work done before the mid-afternoon rush hour, then racing to get home before a new closure took affect. But despite my efforts to make the best of things, the sight of the small group made me think of the sad words of Mahmoud Abu Al Sukkar, a Palestinian man who spent 26 years of his life in jail because he dared express dissent when Zionists came to take his land. "I used to think that if you call Palestinians to stand in solidarity with their prisoners, the streets would be full of the thousands. But that was my fantasy and imagination," he lamented in his loneliness. Abu Al Sukkar's expression of isolation nudges me to remember how our Palestinian negotiators have neglected and disregarded the thousands of freedom fighters who spent and are still spending the best years of their lives behind bars. What if the greatest among us are in these prisons, waiting and holding out for their chance to lead? I lament the lack of care we appear to express for these prisoners. Except for the prisoners' own families who have longings and fears for their loved ones' safety, few among us recreate the greatness of our prisoners outside the walls that encircle them. Think, for example, how Nelson Mandela made prison his platform, supported by his community outside.
Israel is notorious for its political prisons - Neve Tirza, Abu Kbeir, Dimona, and others. While the government of Israel keeps captives as young as 14 in these jails, few Israeli human rights organizations speak out consistently against the inhuman conditions and physical and psychological torture endured by the captives. That no one in the Palestinian Authority moves to improve conditions in these prisons is proof of the current void between the Palestinian power structures and morally concerned people within and without Israel's iron walls. Palestinian and Israeli peace activists alike lament the situation. "Where," wrote one concerned Israeli, "where in the world do you put 14-year-old girls in prison for being politically active? Only in Israel!" In South Africa, Nelson Mandela spent 28 years in prison. He was tough, refusing to capitulate to his captors' demands, rejecting opportunities for freedom and waiting instead for the moment that he would gain freedom not only for himself, but for all his people. He had the strength of character to be a man of the people and the people were ready to engage the leadership he offered. Mandela never forgot his people and, they, in turn, did not forget him. Standing outside Neve Tirza, I know the names of some of the prisoners. But there are so many. Whom have we forgotten? When our prisoners leave their cells, will we Palestinians be ready to embrace the sacrifices they made and open to them the avenues of leadership? Given that we are all virtually prisoners in our own homes, are we even able to see potential for leadership among ourselves? Could it be dormant,lying in front of our very eyes, unrecognized, but ready just the same? Since the beginning of Intifada II more than one year ago, Israeli (and now Palestinian) prisons have swelled, occupied by those who would not follow the rules. Given that half of the Palestinian population is under the age of l5, it isn't surprising that many of the prisoners are in their prime: youthful, willful, wanting more from life. What do we say to the parents and grandparents of our young prisoners, especially when some of these have been captured by their own police and put away, out of sight and out of mind?
We bend, abashed, like the animals in George Orwell's "Animal Farm." In Orwell's satire, the leaders of the animals are pigs. It is a sad day when the lowly citizen-animals open the doors of their leaders' inner sanctums and discover that those they trusted are eating ham. Saddened, the animals take the ham and give it a decent burial. Will we gain freedom at last only to cringe in resentment for those who used our youth not to win our freedom, but to feed themselves? Or will we bow in reverence to those great and small who sacrificed themselves for our well-being? If any place on the globe has witnessed conflict as wearing as that in Palestine, it is Africa and yet, look at the men who have risen from the depths of African despair: Nelson Mandela, Bishop Desmond Tutu and others who have lead an effective relevant life despite all the traumatic experiences they had. For us, the young people of Palestine, the future is ours. Either we will succumb to self-pity or we can bury our dead, hold our heads high, turn away from our prison walls and lead. While I felt that our protest in front of Neve Tirza was disappointingly small, I'm glad I stood with 50 people on that day. It was my way of remembering, and of sharing in initiative. Mother Teresa wrote, "Don't wait for leaders, do it alone, person to person." So, I and the 49 others who made our presence known gave credence and visibility to the women inside the Israeli government had hoped would slip into oblivion (along with the rest of us). We may not have a Nelson Mandela among us, but perhaps we have better. We have thousands of political prisoners willing to sacrifice freedom and happiness for Palestinian independence.
Whether hidden inside Israeli or Palestinian prisons or locked away through house arrest or community bantustans, none of us are giving in. We stand broken but not bowed, troubled but not humiliated, by Israel's expression of might. Mandela stands out as one leader whom prison could not quell. The other great rule-breaker of our time, Mahatma Gandhi, died in 1948, the same year Zionists occupied the first part of Palestine. But those were different times for those seeking independence. Now, governments of the "civilized" world manufacture conflicts that reverberate like the movie "Star Wars." Here in dusty Palestine, we're not thinking of Star Wars. We've seen the missiles come and go with flares and sprays of light. We've felt billy clubs on our heads, endured the kick of soldiers' heavy boots and resisted the bullets of contempt. We need to stand tall, not dissolve in flames of hateful conflagration. If we fail to honor our living as well as our dead, I worry that our national liberation will not be what we expect. I am troubled that we may succumb to the humiliation of our own silence and remain captives, unable to take control of our own destinies. I honor our prisoners of war; I pray that they will not be forgotten at the negotiation table and I await the day when we, the young people of Palestine, can show the world what leadership means. Samah Jabr is a Physician and a life long resident of Jerusalem. Source: Palestine Report (JMCC) Contact us
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