MIFTAH
Wednesday, 3 July. 2024
 
Your Key to Palestine
The Palestinian Initiatives for The Promotoion of Global Dialogue and Democracy
 
 
 

As expected, Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and his prime Minister, Ahmad Qorei, kissed on the cheeks probably three times – and embraced and clasped and raised their hands above their heads, signaling that all is well in Palestine. Inshallah, the Arabic word for God willing.

The 74-year-old leader has been through this many times before and once again this arch survivalist seems to have managed to pull the rug from under the feet of his critics. It is too early to tell about the effectiveness of the pact he reached with his longtime comrade, who had negotiated alongside him the 1994 Oslo peace accords with Israel. Whatever deal was made this time, Qorei saw fit to withdraw his resignation.

But the two leaders must be aware that they cannot afford to paper over the issues that have brought the Palestinians so close to serious blows. In fact, a prominent legislator and former cabinet minister, Nabil Amr, was shot in the foot during the two-week standoff; and the short-lived insurgency in Gaza had led to the sacking of a corrupt police chief there and the kidnapping of Palestinian officials and foreigners, too.

The public outcry was also evident in the actions of the Palestinian legislature.

Even Hanan Ashrawi, the prominent Palestinian legislator and respected advocate of reform and democracy, seemed hopeful.

She reported after she and other legislators had a three-hour meeting with Arafat Monday night that the Palestinian leader "agreed to speed up the reform drive to end the state of lawlessness in the Palestinian territories". Qorei promised they have taken "a new step towards reform and imposing the rule of law," stressing that "there will be actions on the ground".

Moreover, unidentified Palestinian officials said Arafat gave ground on the key issue of corruption, agreeing to order the attorney-general to open investigations against tainted officials.

It should not surprise Palestinians and their supporters that there is widespread skepticism elsewhere about their reported agreement. Similar deals have not been fulfilled in the past and it is difficult to see what has changed this time although there are serious issues confronting the Palestinians in the period ahead, locally and internationally.

Not proposals

United States Secretary of State Colin Powell said during a visit to Hungry: "We need action, not propositions, not proposals, not commitments [but] action." A couple of days earlier, Ashrawi herself had publicly called on Arafat to end his "one-man show", or else she said she expected more unrest in Gaza. Another prominent Palestinian activist, Dr. Mustafa Barghouthi, had urged the formation of a "national unity leadership ... to lead the national struggle, to promise free and democratic elections and treat in any effective way all the manifestations of corruption, favoritism, etc., without losing our focus on the primary enemy and challenge: Israel".

Interestingly, the Palestinian resistance groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad joined more than 10 factions in urging a new national government, reportedly shunning away from the armed conflict in Gaza, where they are influential. The other major issue that has consumed the Palestinian reformist factions has been the proliferation of security agencies - nine in total - that are controlled by Arafat himself, an issue that some cynics saw as mirroring what the Bush administration is facing in the US intelligence community, where they are about 14 sometimes competing services, in the wake of the 9/11 commission report. (Arafat was said to have only agreed to transfer control of the internal security forces to Qorei but to keep his grip over the other security units, all facing merger into three main branches).

In this respect, Israel has been a spoiler.

Its refusal to negotiate directly with the Palestinian National Authority its promised withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, if at all takes place by the end of next year, has touched off the struggle for power among the security forces in Gaza.

Some skeptics believe that the Gaza unrest is one more reason for Israel to remain in this impoverished and overpopulated area.

On the other hand, they believe that even a total Israeli withdrawal under the present conditions, which would allow Israel to retain total control of land and sea routes and the air space over the Strip, would amount to nothing but turning the region into a large concentration camp.

The standoff has also brought to international attention a fact that both the Bush administration, which has not been very forthcoming about finding an honorable Arab-Israeli settlement, and Israel's Ariel Sharon have refused to recognize: the endurance of Arafat's prestige among Palestinians and the major role he continues to play.

In all the jockeying for power or the accusations of reformists, Arafat, unlike his cronies, was never personally targeted.

This fact increases the burden on Arafat's shoulders because he cannot any longer tuck these serious problems under the carpet.

George S. Hishmeh is an Arab American columnist based in Washington.

 
 
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