The events of September 11th and the subsequent ‘war on terror’ by the George W. Bush Administration- dominated by the ‘Neocons’.[1], resulted in a paradigm shift in American foreign and domestic politics. This in turn, caused the dynamics of lobbying, representations and interest groups to change fundamentally. It became apparent that new strategies and tactics should be adopted in order to face the new challenges of the ‘new world order’, which affects the Arab world in general, and the Palestine question in particular.
The task became more formidable when Israel succeeded in allying itself with the US in the war on terror - drawing a parallel between the twin tower atrocities and suicide bombings in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Israel has managed to isolate and paralyse the Palestinian leadership (putting Yasser Arafat under house arrest), maintain the status quo, build the separation wall and abandon the Road Map, under the guise that there is no Palestinian leadership to negotiate with.
The way out of this impasse needs in-depth examination of the US-Palestinian relationship and the different perceptions of the situation, to support the development of effective strategies contributing ultimately to the establishment of a democratic independent Palestinian state.
New Challenges: New Strategies
Arab Americans lack political clout in the United States. There are many reasons for this, but one of the most significant is the fact that as a community it is complex, heterogeneous and disunited. Given the relatively recent migration of Arabs from the Arab world to the US, the community reflects Arab societal and political divisions more than is the case in other diasporic Arab communities.
Broadly, the community can be divided into three categories: Americans from Arab extract - second generation immigrants who are totally integrated in society; Arab Americans - first generation immigrants who participate in domestic politics but are influenced by pan-Arabism and are in the process of being integrated in society; and finally Arabs in the US - those who are not naturalized citizens and therefore have no political influence.
Articulating a coherent Pan-Arab nationalist agenda has thus proved exceedingly difficult, due to lack of political awareness, and the multi-faceted nature of Arab political interests and objectives. This has resulted in sectarianism amongst the Arab community. The problem has been compounded as a result of the ‘Islamist block’ - which includes non-Arabs of Asian extract and Black American Muslims - embracing the Palestinian cause.
Estimates of the size of the Arab and/or Muslim population in the United States vary depending on the source. Some American Islamic organizations estimate that the population is between7-10 million Muslims and the Arabs at around 3-4 million. Other estimates produce a figure of 8 million American Muslims, as well as 2 million Christian Americans from Arab descent, approximately 3% of the population. There is a concentration of Arab/ Muslim population in certain constituencies, notably California, New Jersey, New York, Ohio and Michigan. These represent a swing vote that is important enough for George W. Bush to have met with them.
In the wake of September 11th and the war on terror (not to mention the way public opinion in the United States perceives the Nation of Islam) there has been increased polarization between American public opinion and Arab/ Muslim views on global politics, with the Middle East being the crux. The US administration values Israel as a strategic ally and maintains that Israel’s war with the Palestinians is part and parcel of their war on terror. Again, the Christian Right, which is dominated by Zionist ideology, considers the Occupied Palestinian Territories to be properly Judea and Samaria.
Nevertheless, there has been an increase in the US of political activism on the Middle East, primarily by Islamist groups. However, with the administration’s lurch further right, the fact that the perpetrators of the twin towers atrocity were Arabs, the publicity given to fears of WMDs in Iraq falling into the hands of terrorists, and the coverage of the invasion of Iraq, have contributed to an increased perception among the broader American public that Islamists and Arabs hold extremist views. Subsequently the threat from the ‘other’ has become imbedded in the American public psyche, exacerbated by draconian legislation by the administration – spearheaded by the ‘Neocon’ and born-again-Christian Attorney General John Ashcroft- which greatly restricted the civil rights of citizens. This evoked the memory of Arab Americans and US activists of the treatment of Japanese Americans during the Second World War, when approximately 110,000 were imprisoned in concentration camps for the duration of the war.[2]
Bounded Rationality [3]
Traditionally, arguments used in defence of the Palestinian cause revolved around Zionist ideology and its racist nature, denunciation of the Jewish lobby, its influence over Capitol Hill and the White House, and the historical injustice that has been inflicted upon the Palestinians. There has generally been a failure in finding common ground with the American public and the political establishment. This has increased the schism between American public opinion and the Arab world and left the way open to the counter offensive by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).[4] This strategy was deadlocked in its attempt to find a way forward for the Palestinian problem. We have seen important decisions made that had a profound effect on the Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, Israel, and in the Diaspora, while ourselves having yet to play a significant role in the shaping of these decisions or in the formulation of U.S. foreign policy.
Front-end Policy-making [5]
The importance of channeling the capabilities of Americans of Palestinian origin to influence the decision-making cannot be overestimated. The most effective way is to make a distinction between Pan-Arab issues and the Palestinian problem. This does not mean working in isolation from other groups; rather, the purpose of such an approach is to become a single-issue pressure group, which ensures specialization and the representation of Palestinians by Americans of Palestinian origins. It is time for us to claim our rightful place as interlocutors of the Palestinian cause in the U.S. The aim is to coordinate the efforts of Americans of Palestinian origin working, with their fellow Americans and others, across the spectrum of civic, educational, cultural, legal, economic and political fields.
The most effective ways to lay the ground for reaching our goals can be approached through the pragmatic projection of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in a business-like manner to both American public opinion and the political establishment, always stressing that we are, first and foremost, American patriots. [6] Although the mobilization of public opinion will naturally influence the decision-makers, different mechanisms are needed to engage with the two audiences. American public opinion cannot be won through appeals based on historical [7] religious arguments. Even highlighting the injustices inflicted upon the Palestinians would not provide much leverage since justice (not the rule of law) can be subjective, and one can get locked in circular arguments about injustice and sufferings.[8] Instead, emphasis should be placed on current interactive issues such as the daily sufferings of the Palestinian peoples, thus highlighting collective punishment inflicted upon them by the Israeli occupation forces through house demolition, checkpoints, school closures and the construction of the separation wall on Palestinian land (as opposed to on 1967 line). The personalization of these practices gives the arguments a human dimension to which people can more easily relate. [9]
Further, Palestinians must highlight the need for holding municipal (and later, legislative and presidential) elections by appealing to the ethos of American exceptionalism, which considers lack of elections as un-American. This applies also to arguing that a democratic Palestinian state would serve America’s national interest in that it would enhance national security as well as regional peace and stability, the proliferation of American values and democracy and the expansion of economic opportunities throughout the Arab and Islamic worlds, in an atmosphere of peace and cooperation.[10]
In order to positively impact American public opinion, it is imperative to appear as an ‘insider’.
The ‘Special Relationship’ between Israel and the US: Its effects on the Arab American Community
The development of the special relationship between Israel and the United States has been incremental. Whereas the Arab lobby promotes issues with Pan-Arab dimensions, covering more than twenty countries, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) has been most effective in promoting the interests of one country, for decades, well before the establishment of the Jewish state.
AIPAC has invested heavily, at a local and federal level, in the political, economic, and the media sectors, working according to a unified strategy that enabled it to punch above its weight. There are mixed opinions about the future of this close relationship. Some argue that the US will never depart from its position with regard to Israel. Equally, this doesn’t mean that there is an absolute compatibility between the Israeli and the American government positions due to the complexity of the national interest of a superpower. The most prominent variables are oil, lobbying by the Arab/ Palestinian Americans and shifting the political grounds due to international public opinion, as with the solidarity with the African National Congress (ANC) in its struggle with apartheid South Africa, particularly with the ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over the building of the separation wall.
In the run up to the presidential elections in November of this year (2004), these variables will be of paramount importance. Some believe that there are some real differences [11] between George W. Bush and the Democrat presidential nominee Senator John Kerry, particularly since Bush’s administration is dominated by the Neocons and the Christian fundamentalists who were instrumental in formulating illiberal policies that resulted in flagrant violations of peoples’ rights (whether in the US or in Guantanamo). With the Bush Doctrine [12] in tatters, there is a real possibility that Kerry could occupy the White House in January 2005, which should see improved policies towards the region – and particularly towards Palestine, especially if serious steps were taken towards internal and security reforms.
Equally, some believe that American foreign policy is bipartisan, and has been throughout the post-war period. This can be seen in Kerry’s support of Bush’s policy with regard to the ‘Separation Wall’, his letter of assurance to Sharon of 14th April 2004, and refusing to deal with the Palestinian leadership - i.e. with Yasser Arafat.
Summary:
Despite the fact that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been raging for decades, there’ is an international consensus that peace between the two peoples must be achieved, and the only country that has the means and resources to broker it is the only superpower – that is, the United States. There are many ways to influence decision-makers on Capitol Hill and the White House, through appealing to them as American patriots and through clearly articulating some crucial points:
• Two Sovereign states- Israel and Palestine- living side by side in peace and security based on the borders of June 4, 1967 with mutually agreed upon territorial adjustments.
• An end to the Israeli occupation and the evacuation of all Israeli settlements.
• A just solution for the Palestinian refugee problem, in accordance with international legality and the relevant UN resolutions.
• A shared Jerusalem open to all faiths, serving as the capital of two states, providing for the fulfillment of the political aspirations of both the Palestinian and Israeli peoples.
• Full acceptance of Israel by all Arab states, and normalized diplomatic and economic relations throughout the region.
• A “Marshall Plan” style package of aid and investment for Palestine and the new Middle East.
This, we believe can be accomplished through energizing and empowering the Arab-Palestinian American community through the following strategies:
• Targeting the American media to ensure that Arab and Palestinian views are represented.
• Establishing close contacts with academic and civil society organizations.
• Disseminating information about Arab issues in general and Palestinian issues in particular to the media, the public and to the decision-makers.
• Ensuring that the members of the Arab community who are eligible to vote are on the electoral register at the local, federal and presidential level, in order to form a formidable voting bloc.
• Encourage the second generation of Palestinian Americans – who are totally assimilated into the fabric of society- to spearhead the representation of the Palestinian cause.
• Supporting an independent platform for the community leaders from that of the Arab rulers to enhance their credibility.
Endnotes
Believing in Jerusalem
Date posted: May 27, 2013
By Joharah Baker for MIFTAH
Last week, Israel barred a UNESCO fact-finding mission from entering the country, charging that the Palestinians had ‘politicized’ the mission before it had even arrived. The mission was tasked with looking into conditions of historical sites in the Old City of Jerusalem, something Israel apparently found to be very threatening.
Looking at the state of Jerusalem’s eastern sector today, it is understandable why Israel would not want UNESCO or anyone else walking around the Old City, especially the Palestinian-populated parts of it. Because anyone who does, will see the devastation that Israel and its settlers have wreaked on one of the oldest and most beautiful cities in the world.
Excavation works are being conducted in and around the Aqsa Mosque to make way for more Jewish construction at the place where Waqf authorities say Ottoman and Abbasid artifacts have long been tucked away. A Muslim graveyard is being dug up just outside the Old City’s Jaffa Gate, to build – ironically – a museum of tolerance. Today, two stores were forcefully taken over by Jewish settlers in Al Hakari, one of the neighborhoods in the Muslim quarter and every day, it seems that more and more homes are either being demolished by Israeli municipality authorities or being taken over by Jewish settlers.
The “Judiazation” of Jerusalem is a term many Palestinians and Arabs use for what Israel is doing in the city. In a nutshell, it is the long-term plan Israel is gradually carrying out to change the Arab Palestinian character of Jerusalem. This means demolishing old and historical structures, displacing Palestinians, handing over their homes to settlers and trying to erase the Palestinian or Arab history of the city.
The sad truth is that, on the surface, Israel has succeeded in this to a large extent. Pockets of Jewish settlers now live in the heart of Muslim quarters and aim to take over more and more. Sheikh Jarrah, one of the more affluent Palestinian neighborhoods of Jerusalem, is now pierced with Jewish flags waving from homes that have been wrestled from their Palestinian owners, and Israel’s light rail train cuts right down through Palestinian neighborhoods outside of the city center. The train, of course, is not meant to service the Palestinian population but rather to connect Jewish neighborhoods and settlements in the city, but the area confiscated from Shufat and Beit Hanina for its construction simply fell into the plan.
What the UNESCO mission would not have seen even if they made it into the Old City is the overall humiliation that the Palestinian population of Jerusalem must endure on a daily basis because of Israel’s military occupation. Trips to the Israeli ministry of interior must be made just to prove that one lives in the city for fear that their residency rights may be revoked; young Palestinian men are stopped randomly by Israeli soldiers to check their ID cards or just to harass them, and settlers are always given the luxury of maximum security whenever they walk the streets. If settlers want to march through the city, the Palestinians are told to close their shops, are barred for hours from reaching their homes if they run along the path of the march and are always the ones blamed if any kind of confrontation between the two sides breaks out.
Jerusalem is being squeezed by these measures more and more each day. But there is always that glimmer of hope, that strength that shines through proving that all is not lost. On Shavuot, Israeli settlers and extremists poured into the Old City, singing loudly, banging on the shop doors and waving huge Israeli flags. The sight was disconcerting to say the least. However, the afternoon of that same day, at Damascus Gate, passersby were met with a completely different scene. Palestinian flags waved in determined Palestinian hands under the threatening eye of heavily armed Israeli police and soldiers. The youths were fearless, demanding freedom, with strong, unrelenting voices.
The sight of the Palestinian flag waving at the entrance to Damascus Gate was a breath of fresh air. All is not lost and never will be because hope is eternal and determination and strength come from a never-ending spring.
That day at Damascus Gate is what all Palestinians must keep in their minds’ eye in spite of the daily oppression of the occupation. No matter how many missions Israel bars from entering or how many houses it takes over, there will always be those brave souls who, despite the risks, will always raise Palestine’s flag.
Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
Let Mohammed rest in peace
Date posted: May 20, 2013
By Joharah Baker for MIFTAH
There is no point falling into the pit of countering the claims being made about the death of Mohammed Al Durra, the 12-year old boy from Gaza whose videotaped killing was seen around the world. The boy, crouching in fear behind is equally afraid father as bullets whizzed around them, was killed admittedly by the Israeli army. Later, the army recanted after investigating the tape, saying Durra was killed by Palestinian fire instead. Well now, Israel is changing its story altogether, saying he was not killed at all. In fact, he was probably not even wounded and the French channel that broadcast the footage and brought some pretty bad rap to Israel, had most likely filmed a charade.
The reason why I will not waste my time countering this claim is that even with the great lengths the Israeli government went to to prove that the boy was never killed, it could not provide any irrefutable proof that Mohammed Al Durra – who would be 25 now – is still alive. No pictures, no testimonies, no hospital or morgue officials giving statements to refute his death, have been provided. Only sketchy information about ‘poor quality footage’ and the fact that it seems as though the boy moved his arm after he had slumped over his father following the explosion.
My point is this: indeed, Mohammed Durra’s death was at least one of the catalysts that fueled the second Intifada, and thus, was an important event in the history of the Palestinians. However, more importantly – most importantly to me –is the fact that this is about a boy who died in sheer terror, with his distraught father futilely trying to shelter him from the barrage of bullets coming their way.
Mohammed Al Durra was a boy, with a life, a family and friends. He died a horrible death and now he is being made to die a second one. I did not know Mohammed or his family, but I can only imagine how awful it must be for them to read these claims now and feel the pain of losing their child all over again. If nothing else, this is disrespect for human life of the worst kind.
Some may postulate that the rehashing of the Durra case is a personal jab at the French cameraman who shot the footage, Charles Enderlin. Perhaps. But as a Palestinian who has seen the pain endured by numerous families who receive the horrible news that their sons or daughters have been killed by the Israeli army, my concern is for his family and for his memory. He should be left to rest in peace. If Israel has axes to grind with French journalists or with the international community for holding it accountable for its actions, then so be it. Israel is not lacking in the public relations department.
That being said, there is just one decent thing left to do. Leave Mohammed Al Durra and his memory alone.
Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
Recognition and justice is our demand
Date posted: May 13, 2013
By Joharah Baker for MIFTAH
This week Palestinians will commemorate Al Nakba, the catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people when Israel was founded. Every year, Palestinians hang placards pointing to the right of return, they carry keys symbolizing the homes they were forced to leave and could not return to and remember the Palestine that was lost to them 65 years ago.
This year will be no different. Every May 15, Palestinian recall their catastrophe and demand justice. They demand that they are granted the right of return for those who were made refugees virtually overnight and were then relegate to a life they did not choose. But more than anything, they demand recognition of the tragedy that befell them rather than a denial that it ever happened, or worse, that it was of their own making.
It has been 65 years since Israel was established in 1948, which means those who were cast into exile are either very old or have long passed. Those who experienced the Nakba are now few and far between, clinging to those few precious memories of a small garden in front of their house in Jaffa or of the salty smell of the sea in their neighborhood in Haifa. The rest of us are either descendants of these refugees or ordinary Palestinians who feel their cause is our cause because we are one people.
But the Palestinians have made one thing clear. The refugee issue will not die with the last refugee. It is felt nationwide, the loss, the injustice and the fact that those who were forced from their homes have mostly passed, longing for their beloved homes.
We cannot turn back time. What was lost has been altered, destroyed, changed or taken over by Israel’s newcomers. What we can do is hold on to the right to be recognized, for the injustice to be rectified in word and deed and for Palestine to never be lost in our minds or hearts.
Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
