MIFTAH
Wednesday, 3 July. 2024
 
Your Key to Palestine
The Palestinian Initiatives for The Promotoion of Global Dialogue and Democracy
 
 
 

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Mahmoud Abbas (a.k.a. Abu Mazen) was inaugurated today in Ramallah as the President of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), following a near-landslide victory in the elections last Sunday. Mahmoud Abbas received 62.32 per cent of the votes according to the official election results from the Central Election Commission (CEC). The tough journey for Abbas began when the results confirming his victory were made public, or along with the first Palestinian killed under his presidency. Numerous officials as well as world leaders have congratulated Abu Mazen on his victory, pledging support and generally looking forward to working with him. Time will have to tell if their support is genuine rather than cosmetic as it has been in the past.

Abbas’s main challenges can be split up into six main groups:

  1. achieving a cease-fire between Palestinian militants and the Israeli army
  2. dealing with the main power-broker in the region and the world: the US government
  3. maintaining well-balanced relationships, internally as well as externally
  4. easing living conditions for Palestinians under Israeli military occupation
  5. fighting internal corruption and increasing transparency and accountability of the PNA.
  6. negotiating a final peace settlement that is both just and fair for both Palestinians and Israelis

This road is no easy one for Abbas. The explosion that took place in Gaza yesterday, killing six Israelis and three Palestinians, is the perfect example of what will face Abbas. Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon still seems eager to go through with his unilateral Gaza ‘disengagement’ plan, as well as a continuation of his previous policy towards the Palestinians which consists of collective punishment, assassination of political leaders, completion of the apartheid wall, further annexation of Palestinian land, not to mention killing innocent Palestinians for no apparent reason.

Abbas’s first challenge will come in the form of dealing with a clearly unwilling partner for peace. Sharon and his cabinet have several constants in their policy towards Palestinians, one of which is the sporadic but persistent killing of Palestinian civilians. This very policy is one of the main catalysts for much of the violent culture permeating Palestinian society today. Another constant that represents a hurdle for Abbas is the hawkish US administration led by President George W. Bush and his one-eyed or blind approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Abbas’s challenge is no easy task with respect to this US administration as well as to the Zionist government of Sharon. He will have to put a great deal of time, energy and concessions into being able to work constructively with two such extreme governments.

The third challenge will come in the form of maintaining a fine but necessarily volatile and erratic balance between his relationship with the Palestinian factions accompanied by their demands, and, on the other hand, his relationship with the international community represented by the Mideast Quartet (again including the USA) and its demands and views on how to make substantial progress in any future peace negotiations. This is likely to prove to be a great endeavor, due to the opposing views that exist with regard to the conflict. For example, Palestinians view the source of the problem to be the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory since 1967, whereas the US and Israel view the problem as being Palestinian suicide attacks. Abbas has to walk this thin line, and he is not be envied.

Maybe the most difficult task ahead for President Abbas, is curbing Palestinian violence. There are three main important factors here. Firstly, Abbas has made it clear in the past that he is an advocate of non-violent resistance. Recently he called for the ‘demilitarization of the Intifada”, as well as calling on resistance groups in Gaza to stop their (homemade, primitive, and highly inaccurate) Qassam rocket attacks, which in his view always provide the pretext for Israeli ‘retaliations’. Secondly, Abbas must go a step further by masterminding a unified Palestinian strategy for resistance, and then compel all Palestinian factions to abide by it. Abbas has taken the first courageous step when he announced that he would not forcefully convince the resistance groups to ‘demilitarize’ the resistance.

Another one of the priorities is to ensure the economic survival of Palestine. Great investments must be made to provide jobs, social security, and social peace within the battered and fragmented entity that Palestine represents today.

Yet another important challenge is institution-building as part of the nation-building process. This is initially and naturally a Palestinian demand before anything else. At the top of this list is fighting internal corruption, which has haunted and plagued the umbrella Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) as well as the PNA for many years. Then there is of course the issue of transforming the Palestinian Authority itself into an over-ground organization, no longer dependent on the doctrine of secrecy for mere survival. What is needed in the Palestinian Authority is a system of checks and balances to hold people accountable for their wrongdoings. President Abbas will have to exert a great deal of effort into this particular issue.

Finally, the ultimate goal or challenge ahead for Abbas is the eventual final status negotiations. Although it is not unrealistic to suggest that this time around the table has turned, that it is finally time for the Israelis and Americans to bring to the table a fair and just peace offer. However, Abbas also has a grave responsibility here. Palestinians know that they might have to make extremely painful concessions. After first losing 78% of historic Palestine, they are now likely to be asked to give up even more. A related question is whether Abbas can negotiate a deal that will revive some sort of normality that Palestinians have been deprived of since 1922 when the official British Mandate period for Palestine began.

On the other hand, Israel also faces challenges. If Israel really is peace-loving, if Israel really cares, then it must know that sharing is caring. The path towards genuine peace can only be trodden side-by-side, the prerequisite being the equality of people – of men, women and children, whether Jewish, Christian, or Muslim, or something else, whether Israeli or Palestinian, or something else – i.e. respect for human rights. Israel must liberate itself from the superiority complex on which it is based.

 
 
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