The Occupied Territories is a small place. It does not take long to get from city to city. The trip from Jerusalem to Ramallah takes just 20 minutes by car. That is, it used to. Today, more than 160 Israeli military checkpoints chop up the roads between Palestinian cities, and it no longer takes 20 minutes to get from Jerusalem to Ramallah: Now it is an hour trip, or sometimes two or three. To get from Hebron to Ramallah – normally a less than two hour drive – takes a Palestinian six to ten hours.

Stopping at checkpoints has become a part of the daily routine for Palestinians going to work, visiting family, and even running errands or seeing a doctor. It has become commonplace, but it is not normal. Restrictions on Palestinians’ freedom of movement violate a basic human right, and moreover they contravene the rules governing collective punishment, namely, as stated in Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Conventions, that "No protected person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed" and that "collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited."

The first checkpoint sprung up in the West Bank after the beginning of the first Intifada. Before that time, there were no restrictions on movement within the Occupied Territories or between them and Israel. By summer 2002, 120 checkpoints divided up the West Bank into 300 separate areas and the Gaza Strip into 3 areas, and today there are even more. In addition, mobile checkpoints often sprout up unannounced, imposing extra delays on Palestinian travelers.

Checkpoints are one of the on-the-ground facts of the Israeli military occupation that constantly reminds Palestinians what control means. It means restriction of movement of families, of workers, and of goods. It means all movement by Palestinians is not just interrupted but also monitored by the Israeli military. And it means, due to the vastness of the checkpoint infrastructure, that Israel maintains a heavy degree of control over all of the West Bank and Gaza.

In addition, Israeli military checkpoints are notorious for being the site of severe harassment, threats, and violence. Inhumane treatment of Palestinians at checkpoints begins with the herding of large amounts of people into tiny spaces, where they must wait, at times, for hours on end before passage, if they are lucky. It progresses to extreme harassment such as an instance two winters ago, when the Al-Ram checkpoint between Jerusalem and Ramallah was closed. People of all ages were backed up, waiting to get through. Suddenly, a soldier announced that he would open the checkpoint for five minutes to let people run through. After five minutes exactly, he would shoot whoever was left. And the inhumane treatment of Palestinians at checkpoints ends tragically in death – the result for some 65 Palestinians, who have been shot or whose passage has been blocked despite their need for medical attention between September 2000 and the end of 2002.

Effects of Checkpoints

Violence at Checkpoints

Not uncommon at Israeli military checkpoints, harassment of Palestinian citizens includes detention, shackling, blindfolding, and stripping. Moreover, numerous examples of outright Israeli violence can be recounted. Many of these occur at the infamous Qalandia checkpoint. Well-known for its long lines and the harassment delivered on those waiting in them, Qalandia checkpoint has been the site of brute violence, including murder, by Israeli soldiers manning the checkpoint. Not even children remain free from harm. On Friday, March 28, 2003, a group of children were throwing stones at a fence near the checkpoint, when a slew of Israeli soldiers approached them and started shooting. Regulated by the Open-Fire Regulations, Israeli forces are restricted in their use of rubber bullets and are completely prohibited from targeting children with them. But on this day, they shot rubber bullets at the children, one of which entered the skull of Omar Musa Matar, killing him on the spot.

Medical Effects

Preventable delays at military checkpoints are the cause of major medical problems as well as death for sick and incapacitated Palestinian civilians. Even when visible evidence of a Palestinian’s illness exists, Israeli soldiers have been known to prohibit entry to the person in need. It is a decisive violation of international law to prohibit sick or wounded persons from getting medical attention. According to articles 16 and 17 of the Fourth Geneva Conventions, occupiers must ensure free access to medical assistance for the sick, elderly, pregnant woman, and children. Every time an Israeli soldier knowingly turns away a sick civilian, therefore, it is a patent violation of international law.

In cases of serious illness, 90 percent of patients held up at checkpoints have died, according to a Red Crescent Society doctor. At least 43 people have died as a result of barred access to medical treatment since September 2000. At least 21 were children and 14 were babies less than one year old. In addition, between September 28, 2000 and November 21, 2002, 557 Red Crescent Society ambulances were barred from passing through Israeli military checkpoints. Moreover, as many as 255 ambulances were attacked between September 2000 and June 2003, 113 of which were damaged; 3 people were killed and 192 injured during these attacks.

The examples of death caused by delay are too numerous to recount, but descriptions of a few such incidents will exemplify the standard treatment of sick Palestinian civilians by Israeli forces. On October 14, 2002, a four-day-old baby girl named Rawan Harizat’s skin turned yellow and she started vomiting. The family doctor told them to rush her to the hospital, just 10 minutes away. Taking a significantly longer route to sidestep Israeli roadblocks and parking at a distance from the hospital to avoid a roving military checkpoint, the family did not reach the hospital until an hour later. By that time Rawan was dead. On June 18, 2002, when ‘Odeh Yaqub ‘Odeh Shahadeh, 57, felt chest pains and collapsed, he was rushed to Ramallah. But the vehicle was delayed at Surda checkpoint for 45 minutes. By the time he reached the hospital, he was pronounced dead. And On December 29, 2002 a Palestinian man named Hussein a-Tamimi, suffered a heart attack. He was immediately rushed to the hospital in Ramallah. But on arrival at the checkpoint, Israeli soldiers refused him entry from his village of a-Nabi Salah. In frustration, they left the checkpoint to try an alternate route. Approaching the Dolev settlement, they were threatened by settlers and soldiers. Hussein a-Tamimi died before he could reach help.

Childbirth Effects

Too many times have pregnant women ready to deliver been prevented by Israeli soldiers from crossing the checkpoint and getting to medical facilities. This means that the women must give birth at the checkpoint. Needless to say, they face terrible conditions, often delivering in the back of cars. Since September 2000, at least 39 children have been born at checkpoints after their mothers were refused passage, and at least 5 were stillbirths. In addition, the psychological effect on pregnant women cannot be understated, because stories of traumatic experiences faced by pregnant women traversing checkpoints are well-known. It is common for pregnant women to have intense – and not unfounded – fears about harrowing checkpoint experiences.

In one week alone, two babies were born dead because of delays in reaching hospitals. On December 10, 2002, Adla Abdel Jaber As-Sayyefi, 37, went into labor. Expecting a breech birth, Adla also experienced early labor. The ambulance could not reach her village because of checkpoints and trenches, so they planned to meet at another checkpoint, to which she could walk. At the checkpoint, the ambulance waited on the other side, but they would never reach it because a tank blocked their path. The soldiers remained unsympathetic to the pleas for help from Adla’s family. Adla’s gave birth five minutes later, but the baby died. Had she reached the hospital, the baby would have undeniably lived.

Earlier in that week, on December 6, Munira Ahmed Kabaha, 30, from Tour Al-Gharbia near Jenin went into labor. Again, the ambulance could not reach her village because of the checkpoints. They arranged another meeting place, but when the family arrived, Israeli soldiers would not let the ambulance pass. By this time Munira started giving birth. Only then did the soldiers examine her and then finally let her through. It was too late, and the baby died when it reached the hospital.

Education Effects

Checkpoints have caused restrictions on travel for all Palestinians, but one particularly affected group is Palestinian youth, who face restrictions traveling to and from school or university. According to a recent report, almost three-quarters of schools reported that checkpoints were the number one problem facing students trying to reach school. In one instance, 80 students withdrew because of the problems caused by checkpoints. Among the difficulties faced by students passing checkpoints – beyond the inconvenience of the checkpoint itself – are: being shot at by rubber bullets; being beaten up; being detained until dark; being hit by sound bombs; and checkpoint closures, which prevent students from attending class for days at a time.

In 2002, conditions were so bad by the second month of the school year – because of checkpoints as well as school closures and curfews – that 226,000 children and 9,300 teachers could not reach their schools, according to UNICEF.

University students are also affected by the checkpoints – for example, students at Birzeit University, located outside of Ramallah, must pass through one of the worst checkpoints in the West Bank, Surda. Notorious for requiring a 2 kilometer uphill walk by all passers-by old and young, Surda checkpoint is responsible for long wait times and unannounced closures – all which regularly disrupt the academic life of Birzeit students.

Economy Effects

The effect of the checkpoints on the economy is clear. Checkpoints restrict access by Palestinians to Israel for jobs which they formerly accessed easily. Moreover, internal checkpoints (that is, those between Palestinian towns) also restrict Palestinian employment within the Occupied Territories. For example, Palestinians with West Bank ID cards cannot travel through checkpoints to reach east Jerusalem without a permit, a document not easily attained. Therefore, they can only access jobs there at the risk of being detained. Numerous cases of shooting at Palestinians attempting to cross checkpoints for work have been identified. In 2002 alone, 13 workers were killed at checkpoints or on route to work in Israel, and 220 were injured at checkpoints by beatings or bullet wounds.

In addition, checkpoints restrict movement of goods, which in the case of products such as fresh produce has been known to result in spoilage. In sum, the checkpoints and Israeli sieges have been largely responsible for the current 53 percent rate of unemployment and overall poor economic conditions in the Palestinian Territories.

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One of the most visible and harmful restrictions on Palestinian life today is the existence of the checkpoints. Restricting movement of all types for Palestinian civilians, the checkpoints do irreparable harm to Palestinian daily life and economy. Moreover, they stand as a stark reminder of the Israeli military machine’s control over Palestinian life and livelihood. Until all of the checkpoints are dismantled, the chances for a viable Palestinian state, not to mention a thriving economy and resumption of normal daily life, will remain severely debilitated.

Sources:

www.betselem.org
www.canadazone.com/icw/
www.palestinemonitor.org
www.palestinereport.org
www.pchrgaza.org/
“Israel Denying Education to Palestinian Children - U.N.,” by Thalif Deen, October 3, 2002.
“Schooling at Gunpoint: Palestinian Children's Learning Environment in War-Like Conditions,” The Ramallah/al-Bireh/Beitunia urban centre (By Rita Giacaman, Anita Abdullah, Rula Abu Safieh and Luna Shamieh, Institute of Community and Public Health, Birzeit University), December 2002.
“Shadow Report to the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) Regarding the Report of Israel concerning the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,” April 2003.

On a Thursday morning like all others two weeks ago, Palestinians from Jerusalem woke up early, got in their cars and drove to their workplaces. The story is normal so far. As they approach the Qalandia checkpoint at the end of a long and towering concrete wall north of the city, the story takes a turn for the worst.

Hundreds of cars were vying to get through the checkpoint and despite the obvious fact that many were being turned back; it did not deter newcomers to the chaotic queue, who were resolved to squeeze through to get to their jobs in Ramallah.

Once drivers reached the soldiers no amount of haggling would persuade them to let people through. “Prove you work in Ramallah and I will let you pass,” one soldier said, all the while holding onto the driver's blue ID card until she made a U-turn back to Jerusalem.

The only parking lot on the Jerusalem side of the checkpoint had already overflowed to the street as hundreds of drivers parked their cars and walked through instead. The rumor that flew that day was that a new military unit that did not know any better was implementing some obscure law that prevents anyone with a Jerusalem ID card entry into Ramallah.

What transpired in the following two weeks is extremely worrisome and should raise warning bells everywhere. The rumor turned out to be true: starting July 2005 this ban on movement will be implemented completely, which will bring losses to many Palestinians from Jerusalem.

Everywhere in the world people live in one city and commute to another for their jobs; this is perfectly normal – except in Palestine. There are no statistics of how many will lose their jobs, but if you stand at Qalandia checkpoint at peak hours during the day, it is clear that Ramallah is a hub of jobs, trade and other activities. Will those who commute daily to Ramallah for their livelihood be compensated by the Israeli welfare system for the loss of income? What will Israel do with the scores of hundreds of people who will suddenly be unemployed? Will it offer new job opportunities? Or is this merely a way of forcing internal migration to Ramallah in order to strip the Jerusalem residents of their IDs and any right to reside or enter Jerusalem and to "cleanse" Jerusalem of its Arab inhabitants?

Israeli policies being enforced in Jerusalem should not be taken at face value, nor should they be viewed as a legitimate manifestation of the application of law. Palestinian residents of Jerusalem remain Palestinian whether Israel cuts them off from their brethren in the West Bank or not. Creating a physical rift between the two cities would make it increasingly difficult for Jerusalemites to participate in Palestinian political life, as well as other aspects of Palestinian civil society and institution building and will only serve to negate Jerusalemites' Palestinian identity.

The issue of Jerusalem as a whole, including the Wall, the ban on the movement of Jerusalemites to Ramallah and the recent application of the Absentee Law, needs to be seriously addressed through diplomatic and legal means, not just discussed in passing with the occasional shallow news bulletin here and there. East Jerusalem is still an occupied city and international law must be applied in order to safeguard the rights of the occupied population living there. A concerted media and diplomatic campaign on the international level must be set in motion to stop efforts to turn Jerusalem into an exclusive city, where the Palestinian residents become an ever-shrinking minority with no rights and few employment prospects.

These 10 photos were taken on 22 May 2005 and show the passage from the point of arrival at the border of Gaza to the point of entry into Gaza. A sign at the entrance to the passage says in faulty Arabic: “Continuing with violence results in the withholding of ease of access and luxury for the people.” The passage is similar to the design developed by Temple Grandin (an assistant professor at Colorado State University) for the routing of cattle as they are led to slaughter. The Israelis are on the scene through remote control. When a person exiting from Gaza approaches the turnstile, a disembodied voice, rough and rude, tells him or her to drop bags to the floor, to lift up clothes, turn around, etc.

The waiting is interminable when there are a lot of people. Most of the time now, the place is deserted, as very few permits are given to people to get out or to go in. One photo shows Israeli soldiers erecting a barrier on top of a barrier. In Gaza, the entire population is effectively imprisoned. Not only are the many refugees and their descendants blocked by Israel from returning to their homes in places like Bir Sabe’ (now Beersheba), but so also are thousands of laborers prevented from earning a living in Israel or the West Bank.

Rima Merriman is a freelance writer and a communications specialist. She worked in the West Bank for four months in late 2004.

Last week, Israel barred a UNESCO fact-finding mission from entering the country, charging that the Palestinians had ‘politicized’ the mission before it had even arrived. The mission was tasked with looking into conditions of historical sites in the Old City of Jerusalem, something Israel apparently found to be very threatening.

Looking at the state of Jerusalem’s eastern sector today, it is understandable why Israel would not want UNESCO or anyone else walking around the Old City, especially the Palestinian-populated parts of it. Because anyone who does, will see the devastation that Israel and its settlers have wreaked on one of the oldest and most beautiful cities in the world.

Excavation works are being conducted in and around the Aqsa Mosque to make way for more Jewish construction at the place where Waqf authorities say Ottoman and Abbasid artifacts have long been tucked away. A Muslim graveyard is being dug up just outside the Old City’s Jaffa Gate, to build – ironically – a museum of tolerance. Today, two stores were forcefully taken over by Jewish settlers in Al Hakari, one of the neighborhoods in the Muslim quarter and every day, it seems that more and more homes are either being demolished by Israeli municipality authorities or being taken over by Jewish settlers.

The “Judiazation” of Jerusalem is a term many Palestinians and Arabs use for what Israel is doing in the city. In a nutshell, it is the long-term plan Israel is gradually carrying out to change the Arab Palestinian character of Jerusalem. This means demolishing old and historical structures, displacing Palestinians, handing over their homes to settlers and trying to erase the Palestinian or Arab history of the city.

The sad truth is that, on the surface, Israel has succeeded in this to a large extent. Pockets of Jewish settlers now live in the heart of Muslim quarters and aim to take over more and more. Sheikh Jarrah, one of the more affluent Palestinian neighborhoods of Jerusalem, is now pierced with Jewish flags waving from homes that have been wrestled from their Palestinian owners, and Israel’s light rail train cuts right down through Palestinian neighborhoods outside of the city center. The train, of course, is not meant to service the Palestinian population but rather to connect Jewish neighborhoods and settlements in the city, but the area confiscated from Shufat and Beit Hanina for its construction simply fell into the plan.

What the UNESCO mission would not have seen even if they made it into the Old City is the overall humiliation that the Palestinian population of Jerusalem must endure on a daily basis because of Israel’s military occupation. Trips to the Israeli ministry of interior must be made just to prove that one lives in the city for fear that their residency rights may be revoked; young Palestinian men are stopped randomly by Israeli soldiers to check their ID cards or just to harass them, and settlers are always given the luxury of maximum security whenever they walk the streets. If settlers want to march through the city, the Palestinians are told to close their shops, are barred for hours from reaching their homes if they run along the path of the march and are always the ones blamed if any kind of confrontation between the two sides breaks out.

Jerusalem is being squeezed by these measures more and more each day. But there is always that glimmer of hope, that strength that shines through proving that all is not lost. On Shavuot, Israeli settlers and extremists poured into the Old City, singing loudly, banging on the shop doors and waving huge Israeli flags. The sight was disconcerting to say the least. However, the afternoon of that same day, at Damascus Gate, passersby were met with a completely different scene. Palestinian flags waved in determined Palestinian hands under the threatening eye of heavily armed Israeli police and soldiers. The youths were fearless, demanding freedom, with strong, unrelenting voices.

The sight of the Palestinian flag waving at the entrance to Damascus Gate was a breath of fresh air. All is not lost and never will be because hope is eternal and determination and strength come from a never-ending spring.

That day at Damascus Gate is what all Palestinians must keep in their minds’ eye in spite of the daily oppression of the occupation. No matter how many missions Israel bars from entering or how many houses it takes over, there will always be those brave souls who, despite the risks, will always raise Palestine’s flag.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

There is no point falling into the pit of countering the claims being made about the death of Mohammed Al Durra, the 12-year old boy from Gaza whose videotaped killing was seen around the world. The boy, crouching in fear behind is equally afraid father as bullets whizzed around them, was killed admittedly by the Israeli army. Later, the army recanted after investigating the tape, saying Durra was killed by Palestinian fire instead. Well now, Israel is changing its story altogether, saying he was not killed at all. In fact, he was probably not even wounded and the French channel that broadcast the footage and brought some pretty bad rap to Israel, had most likely filmed a charade.

The reason why I will not waste my time countering this claim is that even with the great lengths the Israeli government went to to prove that the boy was never killed, it could not provide any irrefutable proof that Mohammed Al Durra – who would be 25 now – is still alive. No pictures, no testimonies, no hospital or morgue officials giving statements to refute his death, have been provided. Only sketchy information about ‘poor quality footage’ and the fact that it seems as though the boy moved his arm after he had slumped over his father following the explosion.

My point is this: indeed, Mohammed Durra’s death was at least one of the catalysts that fueled the second Intifada, and thus, was an important event in the history of the Palestinians. However, more importantly – most importantly to me –is the fact that this is about a boy who died in sheer terror, with his distraught father futilely trying to shelter him from the barrage of bullets coming their way.

Mohammed Al Durra was a boy, with a life, a family and friends. He died a horrible death and now he is being made to die a second one. I did not know Mohammed or his family, but I can only imagine how awful it must be for them to read these claims now and feel the pain of losing their child all over again. If nothing else, this is disrespect for human life of the worst kind.

Some may postulate that the rehashing of the Durra case is a personal jab at the French cameraman who shot the footage, Charles Enderlin. Perhaps. But as a Palestinian who has seen the pain endured by numerous families who receive the horrible news that their sons or daughters have been killed by the Israeli army, my concern is for his family and for his memory. He should be left to rest in peace. If Israel has axes to grind with French journalists or with the international community for holding it accountable for its actions, then so be it. Israel is not lacking in the public relations department.

That being said, there is just one decent thing left to do. Leave Mohammed Al Durra and his memory alone.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

This week Palestinians will commemorate Al Nakba, the catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people when Israel was founded. Every year, Palestinians hang placards pointing to the right of return, they carry keys symbolizing the homes they were forced to leave and could not return to and remember the Palestine that was lost to them 65 years ago.

This year will be no different. Every May 15, Palestinian recall their catastrophe and demand justice. They demand that they are granted the right of return for those who were made refugees virtually overnight and were then relegate to a life they did not choose. But more than anything, they demand recognition of the tragedy that befell them rather than a denial that it ever happened, or worse, that it was of their own making.

It has been 65 years since Israel was established in 1948, which means those who were cast into exile are either very old or have long passed. Those who experienced the Nakba are now few and far between, clinging to those few precious memories of a small garden in front of their house in Jaffa or of the salty smell of the sea in their neighborhood in Haifa. The rest of us are either descendants of these refugees or ordinary Palestinians who feel their cause is our cause because we are one people.

But the Palestinians have made one thing clear. The refugee issue will not die with the last refugee. It is felt nationwide, the loss, the injustice and the fact that those who were forced from their homes have mostly passed, longing for their beloved homes.

We cannot turn back time. What was lost has been altered, destroyed, changed or taken over by Israel’s newcomers. What we can do is hold on to the right to be recognized, for the injustice to be rectified in word and deed and for Palestine to never be lost in our minds or hearts.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.