MIFTAH
Tuesday, 2 July. 2024
 
Your Key to Palestine
The Palestinian Initiatives for The Promotoion of Global Dialogue and Democracy
 
 
 

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While President Abbas’ recent trip to Washington was punctuated by the usual mundane statements about the need for leaders on both sides to “seize the opportunities for peace and progress,” it would be inaccurate to say that the visit was a waste of time, for at least two noteworthy - if opposite - outcomes appear to have resulted from it.

The first was the dismaying, if candid, admission by President Bush that an independent Palestinian state might not be established during his remaining tenure as President (that is, by the end of 2008). As he said to a reporter at the press conference that followed his meeting with President Abbas, "So you said I would like to see two states before I get out of office. Not true - I'd like to see two states. And if it happens before I get out of office, I'll be there to witness the ceremony. And if it doesn't, we will work hard to lay that foundation so that the process becomes irreversible."

For Palestinians, who have long memories when it comes to such things, the statement inevitably conjured bitter memories of the now much-beleaguered “road map,” which was introduced with much fanfare by the United States in 2003 and which had aimed to establish a “sovereign, independent, democratic and viable Palestine” by the end of this year. Israel’s flouting of the provisions of the road map has been particularly egregious in the weeks following its unilateral disengagement from Gaza, and its latest closure, road separation, land appropriation and settlement expansion policies have lent credence, perhaps inadvertently, to Bush’s discouraging words. Hopes for the sort of Palestinian state envisioned by the road map have receded further from the horizon this month, and Bush’s statement only confirmed what most Palestinians already think.

The second outcome of the Bush-Abbas visit was, however, more positive. Washington lent for the first time its official support to President Abbas’ request for non-interference in the upcoming Palestinian legislative elections (scheduled for January 2006), which implies that the US, in a rare disagreement with Israel, will not insist that Hamas disarms before it is allowed to contest the elections. While this statement will have little effect unless Israel is prepared to allow Hamas to properly contest the elections (as we write Israel continues to arrest hundreds of Hamas officials from the West Bank), it lends significant weight to President Abbas’ efforts to bring Hamas and other similar armed groups into the arena of competitive national politics. Hamas’ first-time participation in national legislative politics will, it is hoped, lead it to renounce arms and embrace democratic methods of its own accord; it is also hoped that Hamas’ participation in the upcoming elections will provide an impetus to Fatah to reform itself and to campaign actively to win back the hearts and minds of the many Palestinian people who have lost faith in it.

The achievements of President Abbas’ visit to Washington cannot be analyzed in a vacuum. While some good has come of it, the situation in the Occupied Territories continues to deteriorate drastically on a daily basis. It is up to President Abbas to negotiate with the various Palestinian armed groups that now seem to be running amok in the territories to convince them to uphold their promises of cease fire, and it is up to President Bush to have stern words with Prime Minister Sharon, who has done everything he could have done in the past two months to demonstrate to the world and to the Palestinians his disregard for the road map.

President Bush may be right in thinking that a Palestinian state can no longer conceivably be established before he leaves office, but he must understand why this is so, and he must do what he can to right it.

 
 
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