MIFTAH
Tuesday, 2 July. 2024
 
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Israeli defense minister Shaul Mofaz announced yesterday that the planned evacuation of the settlement outpost of Amona, near Nablus in the West Bank, will be postponed by another two weeks. According to Mofaz, the postponement was made on account of a petition filed in the Israeli High Court by the residents of the illegal outpost (which petition the court has agreed to hear next week), and also because of the Palestinian national legislative elections, scheduled for January 25th.

On closer view, however, neither of these excuses hold up: first, the demolition orders on Amona and three other similar outposts near Nablus were made weeks ago, and the handful of settlers who live in these outposts have had enough prior warning of the intentions of the Israeli army and thus enough time to prepare for, and even protest, the evacuation; second, Mofaz has done nothing to postpone the demolition of the other outposts in question, which indicates that the legislative elections in Palestine have nothing to do with the evacuation of outposts.

The real reason for the postponement is, of course, political: Israeli leaders, especially acting PM Olmert, are anxious to avoid internal strife - which hard-line settler groups have promised in the event of further forcible evacuations in the West Bank - during the uncertain period that has ensued in the aftermath of Sharon’s illness. In this, the Israelis are trying to achieve a fine balance between competing pressures: on one hand, those emanating from the US, which has lately grown impatient with Israel’s slowness to implement promises made months ago; and on the other, those emanating from the hard-line settler groups, which seem to have grown only more emboldened than before at the news of Sharon’s incapacitation.

While the evacuation of the outpost of Amona would be a largely symbolic gesture if unaccompanied by any similar actions to evacuate the larger and more permanent settlements in the West Bank (that are plainly just as illegal, and do far more harm), it is nonetheless an urgently necessary move on the part of Israel, and not without direct positive consequences for the Palestinian residents of the region. The most immediate of these would be an end to the dismaying destruction of thousands of olive trees, conducted with increasing impunity in recent week by hard-line settlers (such as the residents of Amona), allegedly with the complicity of the Israeli army. Removing the outposts would, at a minimum, bring an end to this destruction, which even high-ranking Israeli officials, such as Yuval Diskin, the head of Israel’s internal security service (Shin Bet), have condemned as actions that are “very grave.” Moreover, if the evacuation were to go ahead as planned, it would send a powerful message not only to the Palestinians, who are much in need of such messages, but also to the hard-line settlers in the West Bank, who continue to think, with good reason, that they can get away with anything, and that no laws apply to them. Lastly, and most obviously, the postponement of this-already announced evacuation of just a handful of settlers shows the interim Israeli government, and especially acting PM Olmert, in a dismayingly poor light: if this lot is unable to implement these minor actions that have already been decided upon, how will it manage to embark on the uphill road that lies ahead?

Israeli governments, past and present, are typically deaf to the demands of justice and human rights. They are, however, also usually quite responsive to the lesser demands of logic and self-interest. The evacuation of the settlement outpost of Amona would satisfy both categories of demands, and postponing it unnecessarily, with weak and implausible excuses, does more harm than good to all concerned, except, of course, the three dozen odd settlers involved.

 
 
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