As you are aware, there is currently a spreading global boycott of Israeli artists and arts establishments which we, as Palestinian artists, have endorsed. Art, a powerful tool that has influenced the course of history countless times, is not apolitical. Unfortunately in Israeli society art has remained politically apathetic, lamenting Israel's historical and ongoing suffering whilst ignoring Israel's historical and ongoing culpability. Like all Palestinians, as artists we are subject to the daily humiliation of your barrier-points, the random slaughter of your military actions, the denial of travel by your border police, detention without charge or trial in your prisons, closures and curfews of our cities by your army, continuing theft of property by your "settlers", and , as war refugees, the ongoing refusal to return home by your government. Meanwhile you have enjoyed the opportunity to create, rehearse and perform with relative freedom. We suggest that you utilize this freedom more responsibly. The Israeli government and mainstream press has been unwilling to criticize Zionism as an ideology for Israel. As a result of this, Israeli oppression of the indigenous Muslim, Christian and secular inhabitants of this region has become more and more extreme. We expect that you, as Israeli artists, therefore find the moral courage to research and reflect upon the impact of Israeli Zionism far more critically and directly than you have been willing to do thus far. Vague sentiments for peace and against war are as useless as a speech by US President Bush on the topic. If you really are dedicated to creating a peaceful, just future, your commentary needs to directly address the way that political Zionism has effected the non-Jewish residents of this land. Evocatively share with your audiences the way Israel has dispossessed us of our property and held us under a brutal military occupation without civil rights for decades. If you do not wish to present this in your artwork, you may consider alternatives such as public statements that support the return of refugees and the end of the occupation, cancellation of your performances whenever occupied Palestinian regions are placed under curfew by your military, and a refusal to do your own annual service within the Israeli military. It should be obvious to most of you by now that no amount of military force can promise or deliver Zionist domination over this region. Justice, peace and security will require a major shift in Israel's political goals and social conscience- one which recognizes the diversity of peoples inhabiting the region, acknowledges the United Nations Resolutions regarding Israel's duties and obligations, and accepts the damage caused by the quirky nature of Zionism. Such a shift, prompted by boycotts, brought an end to similar oppression in South Africa. As artists you are in a position to lead this shift, but unfortunately your artwork to date has failed to even attempt this. As such your art has become the Israeli government's mute mistress, drawing audiences away from any moral inquiry. So long as you continue to ignore the damage your state is causing therefore, we will continue to endorse the global cultural boycott of your artwork. As Palestinian artists, we envision a future where every person from this region, regardless of religion or ethnicity, has their culture celebrated, just as it has been in centuries past. To reach this point, we must all enjoy equal civil rights. Stop denying ours. Nicholas Rowe, PARA-Culture (Palestinian Artists Resisting Apartheid-Culture) Read More...
By: UN Women
Date: 09/03/2019
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My Rights, Our Power: A Joint Campaign Launched in Palestine to Raise Awareness on Women’s Fundamental Human Rights
1_March 2019, Ramallah – On the occasion of the International Women’s Day (8 March), a week-long joint campaign “My Rights, Our Power” was launched today in Palestine to raise awareness on women’s fundamental human rights. The joint effort, with participation from over 30 national and international partners from civil society organizations, media outlets, and international development agencies, targets youth, women, and men in various geographic areas in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza to promote women’s human rights in Palestine. The campaign comes at a crucial moment when the anticipated adoption of the Family Protection Bill is at a standstill, raising concerns among national and international stakeholders about the consequences of such delay on safeguarding women’s fundamental human rights in Palestine. According to the Palestine report of the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), nearly one in five Palestinian men (17 percent) surveyed said they had perpetrated act of physical intimate partner violence against female partners, while 21 per cent of women surveyed reported having experienced such violence. “Family violence, usually committed by a family member who has social or economic power over others in the family, causes enormous pain and suffering to all members of the family, especially the women and children,” said a spokesperson from civil society, which has vigorously initiated the development of the Family Protection Bill (FPB), and has strongly pushed its adoption since 2004. “The violation of women’s human rights manifests in various levels and should be also understood from economic, cultural, and social aspects,” the spokesperson added, highlighting the lack of opportunities and freedom of choice, as well as limited access to justice and services that women in Palestine still experience. The joint campaign aims to raise awareness of the general public, especially youth, women, and men on women’s fundamental rights in line with international standards and embedded in the Family Protection Bill draft endorsed by the previous Cabinet at the end of December 2018. Five key messages, addressing women’s right to a life free of violence, right to achieve justice and seek help in case of violation of such life, as well as the right to equal opportunities and right to make one’s own choices, will be distributed through various channels such as radio, social media, helpline (121), outreach activities, and on-site events. The closing event of the joint campaign will take place on 8 March in Jerusalem and will celebrate women’s achievements using TED-style talks, followed by art performances. “My Rights, Our Power” joint campaign is part of the global International Women’s Day 2019 campaign under the theme of “Think equal, build smart, innovate for change”. The theme focuses on innovative ways in which we can advance gender equality and the empowerment of women, particularly in the areas of social protection systems, access to public services and sustainable infrastructure, echoing the theme of the 63rd session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW 63) taking place in New York on 11-22 March 2019. The participating organizations of the “My Rights, Our Power” are (in alphabetical order): 17 Palestinian women’s organizations represented by Al-Muntada (coalition), British Consulate-General, Business Women Forum, CARE International, Consulate General of Sweden, Consulate General of Belgium, EUPOL COPPS, EU Representative Office, FAO, General Union of Palestinian Women, Government of Japan, CowaterSogema/GROW Project, International Labour Organization, Italian Agency for Development Cooperation, Ma’an TV, MIFTAH, Netherlands Representative Office, Nisaa FM, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development, Palestinian Family Planning and Protection Association, Representative Office of Canada, Representative Office of Denmark, SAWA, Sawasya II, Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation, Sports for Life, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, Representative Office of Norway, UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNICEF, UNOPS, UN Women, Women's Centre for Legal Aid and Counseling, Women’s Studies Center. For more information, please contact Eunjin Jeong at UN Women via eunjin.jeong@unwomen.org or 059 2321 308, Majd Beltaji at UNESCO via m.beltaji@unesco.org or 059 4501 506.
By: Dr. Riyad Mansour
Date: 08/11/2017
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Statement of Ambassador Dr. Riyad Mansour, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations, before the United Nations Security Council Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security, 27 October 2017
Mr. President, We thank France for organizing this important meeting and extend our appreciation to the Chef de Cabinet of the Secretary General, the Executive Director of UN Women, the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security and the Secretary-General of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie for their efforts and important briefings. The issue before us is of relevance not only for half the planet, but to all, given the role and contribution of women in the fields of peace and security and the untapped potential that could be unleashed by mainstreaming their participation. Since the adoption by consensus of resolution 1325 by this Council, a lot has happened, and yet we are still far from the goal of full and equal participation, including in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and from ensuring the protection and empowerment of women. Gender equality and non-discrimination remain prerequisites for the fulfilment of the purposes and principles of this organization and all of our lofty, collective commitments, including the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The State of Palestine welcomes the Secretary General’s report and his commitment to implementing the women and peace and security agenda, including by placing gender at the centre of his prevention platform and surge in diplomacy. We appreciate all efforts by the UN in this regard, including by UN Women, OHCHR and UNDP, notably in the field of human rights, capacity building, employment and rule of law. We urge UN bodies, notably those operating in Palestine, including the Special Representative, to intensify their engagement and collaboration with women organizations. Mr. President, I wish to highlight some of Palestine’s own important efforts in this regard. The Palestinian women’s movement is one of the oldest and strongest in the region and beyond, with institutional and representative structures established as early as the 19th century. Within the PLO, the General Union of Palestinian Women was among the first unions to be established. A coordination of women frameworks within PLO political parties and other organizations has also been established as the “Women’s Affairs Technical Committee” in the aftermath of the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference. There have been many achievements thereafter. Among them: In 2012, Palestine inaugurated a High-Level National Committee for the implementation of resolution 1325, led by the Ministry of Women Affairs in partnership with relevant Ministries and NGOs. In 2016, the State of Palestine was among the 68 countries and areas that adopted a National Action Plan on women, peace and security. This Action Plan (2017-2019), adopted by both the Government and civil society organizations, identifies three primary objectives: 1. ensuring protection for women and girls both domestically and in the face of the Israeli occupation; 2. ensuring accountability through national and international mechanisms, with a particular focus on crimes and violations committed by the occupation; and 3. furthering women’s political participation in decision making at the national and international level. The State of Palestine also joined core IHL and human rights instruments, including CEDAW, without reservations. Women’s participation and empowerment are also important and cross-cutting objectives in the context of the National Policy Agenda (2017-2022). We are, however, conscious that, despite all these efforts, much more work remains to be done. Only in 2009 was a women elected to the highest executive body of the PLO. Quotas are still decisive in allowing women’s election to Parliament and local councils. And while women organizations were among the strongest advocates of national reconciliation, they have been unfairly absent from reconciliation talks. The relevant legislative framework applicable in Palestine is also outdated and must be revised to ensure consistency with Palestine’s international commitments and obligations and avail women the protection and rights they are entitled to and the opportunities they deserve. Mr. President, The Palestinian women’s movement since its establishment over a century ago pursued the struggle on two fronts – the struggle for the independence of Palestine and the struggle for women’s rights and empowerment – a dual struggle the movement continues to pursue to this day. The Israeli occupation remains the main source of the violations of our women’s rights and their vulnerability and violence against their person. We have repeatedly called for protection of the Palestinian people, especially women and children. We have also called for accountability, a key element of resolution 1325, the first resolution to address the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women, as the only way to put an end to violations and crimes. While Palestine stands ready to do its part to advance women rights and the role of women in the fields of peace and security, it is clear that the enjoyment of these rights in our country necessitates ending the Israeli occupation. We will thus continue to work for an end of the occupation and true progress on the path to independence, justice and peace, with the equal and full involvement of women, leading to an independent State of Palestine ensuring human rights for all its citizens without discrimination.
By: Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325
Date: 20/10/2016
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Seeking Justice: Statement by the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325 on the visit of the delegation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor’s Office on 9-10 October 2016 to Palestine
On the occasion of the ICC Prosecutor’s Office to Palestine, the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325, which consists of twelve different Palestinian women’s organisations, is urging the Prosecutor’s Office to take concrete actions towards investigating war crimes committed against Palestinians. The Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom remains deeply concerned with the complete impunity of Israeli war crimes and firmly supports the Coalition’s call for a just accountability mechanism for Palestinian victims. WILPF also calls on the international community to recognise and fully support Palestinian women’s organisations substantial role in paving the paths to justice, accountability and peace. Read the statement of the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325 below. We, the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325,welcome the visit of the delegation of the ICC Prosecutor’s Office as a step in the right direction. But we are deeply disappointed that the purpose of this visit was restricted to preliminary examination, while Palestinian victims of Israeli war crimes, including women, continue to suffer and urgently await justice and an end to Israel impunity. We do not understand the decision to exclude the Gaza Strip from this visit, when Gaza has been the site of the most war crimes and where women have been most systematically impacted by Israeli collective punishment policies; a prolonged imposed siege and a severe humanitarian deterioration resulting from Israeli military aggressions . We are further disappointed that women who have been systematically impacted, and their women’s organisations, have been excluded from the delegation’s agenda. We call upon all future delegations of the ICC Prosecutor’s Office to include on their agenda meetings with women’s organisations and women who have experienced direct and indirect impacts of Israeli crimes. We, the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325, have seen in UNSCR 1325, 2242, and other UN Resolutions a commitment to hold the Israeli perpetrators accountable for their war crimes. We look to the ICC as the most important mechanism to end impunity for all war crimes committed, finally bringing justice for the Palestinian people. Yet, we are very concerned that the preliminary examinations will be an endless process. Therefore, we urge, Ms. Fatou Bensouda, the Prosecutor of the ICC, to conclude the preliminary examination and move to investigations into Israeli war crimes, bringing justice to Palestinians. We have paid the price of non-accountability and impunity of Israeli war crimes for too long. “Delaying justice is justice denied.” Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325: The General Union of Palestinian Women (GUPW), the Women’s Affairs Technical Committee (WATC), Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development (PWWSD), MIFTAH, Filastinyat, Women Media and Development (TAM), Women Stu Dies Center, Women’s Center for Legal Aid and Counseling (WACLAC), the National, YWCA of Palestine, Center for Women’s Legal Research and Consulting (CWLRC), the Culture and Free thought Association(CWLRC) and Women’s Affairs Center (GWAC). Occupied Palestine October 11, 2016
By the Same Author
Date: 22/10/2002
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An Open Letter to All Israeli Artists
As you are aware, there is currently a spreading global boycott of Israeli artists and arts establishments which we, as Palestinian artists, have endorsed. Art, a powerful tool that has influenced the course of history countless times, is not apolitical. Unfortunately in Israeli society art has remained politically apathetic, lamenting Israel's historical and ongoing suffering whilst ignoring Israel's historical and ongoing culpability. Like all Palestinians, as artists we are subject to the daily humiliation of your barrier-points, the random slaughter of your military actions, the denial of travel by your border police, detention without charge or trial in your prisons, closures and curfews of our cities by your army, continuing theft of property by your "settlers", and , as war refugees, the ongoing refusal to return home by your government. Meanwhile you have enjoyed the opportunity to create, rehearse and perform with relative freedom. We suggest that you utilize this freedom more responsibly. The Israeli government and mainstream press has been unwilling to criticize Zionism as an ideology for Israel. As a result of this, Israeli oppression of the indigenous Muslim, Christian and secular inhabitants of this region has become more and more extreme. We expect that you, as Israeli artists, therefore find the moral courage to research and reflect upon the impact of Israeli Zionism far more critically and directly than you have been willing to do thus far. Vague sentiments for peace and against war are as useless as a speech by US President Bush on the topic. If you really are dedicated to creating a peaceful, just future, your commentary needs to directly address the way that political Zionism has effected the non-Jewish residents of this land. Evocatively share with your audiences the way Israel has dispossessed us of our property and held us under a brutal military occupation without civil rights for decades. If you do not wish to present this in your artwork, you may consider alternatives such as public statements that support the return of refugees and the end of the occupation, cancellation of your performances whenever occupied Palestinian regions are placed under curfew by your military, and a refusal to do your own annual service within the Israeli military. It should be obvious to most of you by now that no amount of military force can promise or deliver Zionist domination over this region. Justice, peace and security will require a major shift in Israel's political goals and social conscience- one which recognizes the diversity of peoples inhabiting the region, acknowledges the United Nations Resolutions regarding Israel's duties and obligations, and accepts the damage caused by the quirky nature of Zionism. Such a shift, prompted by boycotts, brought an end to similar oppression in South Africa. As artists you are in a position to lead this shift, but unfortunately your artwork to date has failed to even attempt this. As such your art has become the Israeli government's mute mistress, drawing audiences away from any moral inquiry. So long as you continue to ignore the damage your state is causing therefore, we will continue to endorse the global cultural boycott of your artwork. As Palestinian artists, we envision a future where every person from this region, regardless of religion or ethnicity, has their culture celebrated, just as it has been in centuries past. To reach this point, we must all enjoy equal civil rights. Stop denying ours. Nicholas Rowe, PARA-Culture (Palestinian Artists Resisting Apartheid-Culture) Date: 18/10/2002
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In and Out of the Bubble
It was destined to be a difficult meeting. I had met Yair Vardi only once before, six years earlier in Ankara with Modern Dans Turkey, when he was a visiting choreographer and I was residing as a dancer. We rehearsed together amicably, though my strongest memory of that time remains an unspoken disagreement. "Never let them see your weakness!" he pointed to my hanging stomach in a scene I was performing with a bare torso. The aesthetic beauty of power had impressed him during his own distinguished career with Ballet Rambert in London. I wanted to show my character's heavy exhaustion, but silently edited this idea from the performance and kept my stomach in. This meeting was going to be a very different one, however. Many things had changed. For three years we had been living less than 40 kilometres from each other; Mr.Vardi in Tel-Aviv directing Israel's premiere dance venue, myself in Ramallah in the Occupied Territories working with Palestinian dancers. Despite this proximity, we had not met again, during the years of the intifada or before. It was turning out to be one of the hottest days of the Summer, and my shirt was thick with sweat when I entered the air conditioned offices of the Suzanne Delal Centre for Theatre and Dance. "Is Mr. Vardi in?" I asked a young man sitting at the front desk. "Who shall I say wishes to speak with him?" he smiled back with the effete enthusiasm of a part-time dance student. "Nicholas Rowe" "From?" "Ramallah." His chin raised momentarily as though waiting for the punch-line, then pulled in as he turned and moved wordlessly to the back of the office. The clerk returned a moment later still smiling and asked me to sit and wait for two minutes. The settee in the foyer was very low, soft and suggested a lot of familiarity, so I thanked him but remained standing. He then indicated towards the water cooler and offered some water, which I gratefully drank from. The beating sun had burnt the back of my neck and left a dull ache in my forehead. A few moments later I was told that I could come through, and Yair Vardi met me half way between his office and the reception hall. He extended his hand and asked "Nicholas?" "Yes, thank you for meeting with me. I don't know if you remember, we met once before, with MDT in Turkey, a few years ago." "With Beyhan's group?" "Yes." "That's right, you were the Australian dancer." He smiled. We were winding our way towards his office in the back. He was a little bit shorter than I had remembered him, and his complexion a darker, but he retained the wiry muscular stature of a life-long dancer. "Where are you now? Still in Turkey?" "No, In Ramallah." He paused and looked at me. Perhaps the desk clerk had thought it was a joke after all and decided not to mentioned it. "Ramallah?" "Yes." "There is dancing in Ramallah?" "Not so much these days." "My god! Was it hard to get here from there?" "Some three hours. Most of it at the military barriers." "They must hate us for this. Do they hate us up there? I can understand them for hating us." "Well, there's a lot of indignation, that's for sure." We had reached his office, he moved behind his desk, and we both sat down. "Thank you for seeing me on the spot like this. We never know which days your army will let us out of our houses." He had swayed sideways in the chair, and his clasped hands pressed two index fingers against his lips. "But what are you doing in Ramallah?" Even with a pleasant tone, an Israeli accent with this question carried the echo of suspicious border police. "I've been there a few years now," I said, staring down at Mr. Vardi's desk. "I came to help set up the Palestine National Academy of Dance, but that's on hold since the intifada began. Now I work mostly in the refugee camps, running an arts relief program for children." "But there was dancing there before?" he was leaning back deeply in his chair and eyeing me sideways, his voice curious and incredulous. "Yes, I mainly worked with two groups, who are both trying to evolve a modern... "Men and women dancers?" "Yes, it's mostly an even split, and they are developing their folk dance into-" "Ahhh, folk dance." He visibly relaxed with this information and swung his chair to face me. "Yes, but they have been working for some years on developing a modern dance style based on Palestinian folk dance." "I would be very interested to see the folk dances." He nodded. We stopped talking for a moment, his pause suggesting that this would be the time to bring up the reason for our meeting. I had been clutching a clumsy plastic bag since Ramallah, empty but for a magazine and an empty water bottle, and I shuffled with it under the table. "I hear that you are hosting an international dance festival at the moment..." "Mostly not so international this year, not so many groups from abroad want to risk the security situation, all these bombings, and so on." He sighed, then added quickly "Not that I blame them for not coming." I nodded with him, and went on, "Well, from any of the groups performing, has there been any work that expresses criticism of the Israeli government's action in the Occupied Territories?" Mr. Vardi stiffened a little in his chair, and paused. "Most of the artists here are just struggling hard to put shows together. The economy is terrible. You see this building around us, this centre, it is very nice, but we are really struggling just to hold it all together, financially. You know we are going through a very difficult time here as well, with the security, economically..." "Yes, I can imagine." I tentatively placed one hand on his desk. "But your military is currently violating a lot of international laws. Millions of people are suffering terribly because of this, very nearby. Are any dancers here reflecting this?" Mr.Vardi leant forward and ran his fore finger across the desk "Well, I'm sure that there are many artists who feel very critical of the current government. As director of the Suzanne Delal Centre, I am not in a position to give my opinions on this, there are many people -funders, governing boards- that I must answer to. So I can't present political opinions from this position. I can tell you that we all feel very sad every time innocent people are killed, on either side." He swung his chair sideways again and winced at me through the corners of his eyes, suggesting that if I was just coming down to complain about the political situation and maybe get a response from him, that was it. Leaning forward, I opened the plastic bag below the table and withdrew the magazine. "Actually, the reason I wanted to come and see you is not particularly pleasant." I lifted the magazine and moved it forward, hoping that he might recognise it and understand everything. He showed no recognition however, so I went on. "I have been helping to co-ordinate the international cultural boycott of Israeli artists and arts establishments, like the Suzanne Delal Centre. I wanted to come to you and explain why." Yair Vardi's face did not move, but he kept me in his gaze, which I intermittently tried to return. I placed the magazine awkwardly onto his desk. "This is a copy of the June Issue of Dance Europe. In it there is an article I wrote which includes some interviews with Arab artists from around the region, discussing the boycott. It basically analyses why the boycott exists and what it hopes to achieve." He leant forward across the desk and pulled the magazine towards him, turning it around. Frowning as he stared hard at it, he said softly "I haven't seen this magazine." As he flicked through the pages I moved forward and gently pointed towards the index and the page number of the article. We each mumbled some directions into the magazine as we scanned for the page, a brief respite as Mr. Vardi absorbed the confrontational nature of our meeting. Opening the article, with it's four boxed interviews, he leant back deeply into his chair and began to read it. He looked up after a moment "There are no Israeli artists interviewed here. That's hardly fair?" It came out as a question, and his eyes looked over the pages at me, awaiting a response. "Well, I did try to find an Israeli dance artist who was willing to criticize Zionism, but none were willing to-" "No, none would." "Precisely, and I didn't want to get bogged down on a debate over Zionism. This colonial idea- coming and setting up a state for just one group of people, pushing the rest out -it doesn't really interest me." Mr.Vardi continued to look at me impassively, so I went on. "What I did want to do...what I wanted to keep the discussion focused on, is- what should be done about it? How do we stop this colonizing, these settlements, and solve the problems this segregation has caused." "But not even giving the other side a chance to speak..." He left the sentence hanging. "I don't think that every time a Palestinian speaks about something, fairness demands that an Israeli must also be heard. A Palestinian opinion is valid on it's own, just as an African voice is valid without a European one to counter it. But more importantly, I wanted to look for an answer. Sometimes presenting two polarized opinions in a magazine article just makes the problem seem unsolvable." "And you think a boycott is the best solution?" he asked, his head hanging to the side doubtfully. "Well, you know how Arabs are often shown in the media, only using terrorism to get what they want..." He did not register this either way, so I went on. "This boycott is an example of non-violent protest that Arabs have been supporting for years. That, on it's own, I thought deserved attention." He returned his gaze to the magazine and scanned a bit further. "You don't really say here what you want to achieve with this boycott." His manner was disarmingly patient, that of a school-master examining a student's homework. "I don't really see how stopping communication through the arts is at all helpful." "The problem is that Israeli art itself is not currently helpful. It would be great if some protest art was happening, but Israeli artists have been a mute mistress for their government for too long. Keeping everyone entertained and not questioning the occupation, the refugees-" "So you want only political art?" He countered. "If artists don't want to create political work, they can always make public statements, supporting the Palestinian refugees and a military withdrawal from the Occupied Territories. They can cancel their shows in solidarity whenever Palestinian cities are placed under curfew. At the very least they can refuse to do the annual military service that they all do for the occupying army. So far however, none have." "That's a little harsh." Mr. Vardi pulled his chin back reproachfully. "People here do care, you know. There are many Israeli dance pieces that express a lot of support for peace." "Yes, like Rami Be'er's Aide Memoire." I suggested. Mr. Vardi's eyebrows raised and he nodded to agree that this was a worthy example. "It's very popular, all over the world, a lamentation of war. I first saw it in Finland, of all places. Unfortunately, it doesn't at any point admit that the Kibbutz Contemporary Dance Company created and rehearsed the work in studios they had built over a Palestinian village, once the local population had been cleansed away. The exiled families are still alive, still living in a refugee camp in Lebanon and still want to return to their land. But despite international law, Israel and Kibbutz Ga'aton and even Rami Be'er do not want to let them back. Aide Memoire became a little hollow for me after that." Mr. Vardi breathed slowly and looked up at the ceiling before returning back to me. "These are very complicated issues-" "And so they need to be addressed, not ignored." "Yes, and co-operation through the arts can help bring these problems forward," he went on patiently. "It would be wonderful if we could have more artistic collaboration with the Palestinians, not less." He kept the article open on the desk and drew back from me, satisfied with this point. "Of course it would. Palestinian and Israeli artists can gain a lot from each other. Only some sort of racist would doubt that, or need that proven. But when a soldier and prisoner dance together, you can't call it a collaboration. That's just something to help the soldier sleep better at night. After any show now, the Israeli will return to their home, well-watered garden and military duty, and the Palestinian will be returned to their refugee camp, communal well and military rule." Yair Vardi furrowed his brow. Perhaps he had heard it all before. "I still don't see how having no communication at all is going to help. What do we do then? Just keep bombing each other instead?" I leant forward and touched the edge of the magazine, shaping the corners of it's pages. To my left was a collage of photos of Mr. Vardi with his wife and child. They were very casual, personal photos, from birthdays and holidays and home-life. Between the photos and Mr. Vardi sat his computer screen, and it seemed that he would have to come to my side of the desk to see them. "There is a middle path. Just because we aren't dancing together doesn't mean we can't talk." I looked back at him, wondering how to ever convince him. "Cultural exchange is very normal -but military occupation, home demolitions, deportations, ethnic cleansing- these things aren't. So we have to solve them first. One step forward would be for you, as Israeli artists, to start reflecting these injustices on stage. At least then rest of the world would be able to distinguish you from the problem." Mr. Vardi took me fully in his gaze, which was very patient yet commanding. "The Suzanne Delal Centre is reliant on government funding, and one of our guidelines is that we don't get involved in politics. We can not hold political meetings here. We are here to create art for the Israeli people, that's it. Do you want us to just destroy everything we have worked for? What would that achieve?" He asked the question calmly, and the calmness of our meeting was becoming disquieting. I did not know if it was age, apathy, confidence or just the heat of the day that allowed Mr. Vardi to remain so listless. If he felt any fury or indignation at my charges, he gave no energy to expressing it. Let him rant then leave, I could see him thinking. I looked around his office and felt overwhelmed by how undisturbed it seemed. The walls were covered with posters of Israeli modern dance shows and past festivals, whilst the art centre where I worked had been trashed and looted on a whim by Israeli soldiers. This power imbalance made it so easy for us to slip into the roles of patient father and the zealous son. Did I have to drag him to Ramallah for him to see it? Would even that make a difference? "These times demand some moral courage!" I breathed out hard. "If the Israeli media and government are not willing to question the morality of Zionism, your artists need to start posing some political questions that-" "Any Israeli dancer that starts to get involved in political issues will lose their funding and not get to show their work anywhere." He replied, as though I seemed to have missed the point. "It's not an easy situation." I looked at the dance posters around his office once more. All composed of beautiful bodies and innovative shapes, each trying to stand out more than the other. "I empathize with Israeli artists facing this problem. Really I do. No dancer or choreographer in the world would really want to have to deal with this, everybody just wants to get on with their art. But this military occupation is forcing us all to make sacrifices. For two years nobody in the Occupied Territories, myself included, has been able to choreograph or perform, because of the siege." Perhaps out of pity at my impotent passion, he leant forward and tried to sound optimistic for the first time. "Maybe there is one possibility. We could arrange for a group of Palestinians, artists, students, whoever, to come down to the Suzanne Delal Centre to see a dance show, for free of course. It would be difficult, but we might be able to arrange it." I felt very puzzled as I looked at him "And how would they get here? It took me four hours, and I have a foreign passport. They wouldn't be allowed past the first check points." Feeling more comfortable, he waved his hand at this idea. "That would take some organizing, but I'm sure we could arrange some sort of bus and a pass from the military and..." "It sort of misses the point though, doesn't it?" I cut in. He did not move, so I went on. "No Palestinian is going to want to do this. Be given "special permission" to allow them to leave their homes? For the privilege of being able to see an Israeli dance performance? To then be happily returned back through the curfew by Israeli soldiers?" I thought of how Khaled Qatamish, the director of the El-Funoun dance troupe, would laugh at this. A month earlier he had received a knock on the door in the middle of the night. Before he knew what was happening he had been dragged in his pyjamas to the street and was being beaten by Israeli soldiers. Then, as his children and wife watched from the window, he was held in front and used as a human shield by the Israeli combat unit, as they moved on a house to house search. And of Omar Barghouti, a choreographer with the same company, whose home had been destroyed by a missile from an Israeli tank, and then, a year later, his new apartment had been filled with Israeli soldiers wanting to remove him and his young family and use it as sleeping quarters. And of Khaled Elayan, director of the Sariat Ramallah, who had only just been released from an Israeli prison after three months without charge or trial. Almost every male Palestinian dancer I could think of had, at some point, been imprisoned and tortured. I looked back at Mr. Vardi, who still considered the idea in a positive light. "Some of them may be happy to come down here, but to tell you about human right's violations in the Occupied Territories, not to sit and admire Israeli art." "Well, there could be some sort of after-show discussions between the artists, in which individuals could talk about different things. Very informal of course, we could not say that this will be any sort of Israeli/Palestinian meeting, but maybe, between themselves, after the show the artists might discuss things." "There will be plenty of time for artistic meetings once we have sorted out the political inequality. This boycott is being taken to prompt political action from you, as Israeli citizens and artists." "But we would lose all our funding if we did this!" At last his exasperation was beginning to show as his words became more punctuated. He did not want to have to repeat this last concept. "We would end up in Israel with no art at all, or only art from very pro-government artists." "And perhaps that would be better." I leant back into my chair, breathed deeply and tried to think of how this idea could possibly be palatable to Mr. Vardi. "Sometimes I argue with people in the Occupied Territories who support the suicide bombings. One of the reasons they give is that these bombs at least make Israel remember it is holding millions of Palestinians under military rule in two large prisons called Gaza and the West Bank. They know of the wonderful concerts and shows you enjoy from abroad, the way you tour your shows internationally, and yet you don't even let them travel to the next town to visit a sick mother, let alone have a cultural life. Then you each join the army once a year, but pretend you are not part of the problem." It seemed I had traveled into sacred area by attempting to justify the suicide bombings, as Mr. Vardi's face stiffened. I waved my hand vaguely and tried to return to my original point, to why I had come down here. "Hence, this boycott. Disrupting your cultural life is a non-violent way of gaining your attention. When international artists boycott you, they are at least acknowledging the abnormality of this situation. This takes the despair out of the Palestinians and prompts you, we hope, into some sort of moral inquiry." Mr. Vardi closed his eyes and raised his eyebrows, and nodded slowly. "Actually, one of the good things, possibly the only good thing, to come out of this situation is that more Israeli work is being created, and more audiences are coming to see home grown talent, because there is nothing else for them to see. So local choreography is going through something of a renaissance." Any empathy that Mr. Vardi might have had was ebbing away, and as he stood his stomach drew in and his chest swelled with resilience. The meeting was obviously drawing to a close. "Well, if any of them want to learn about the situation..." I stood sadly, the empty water bottle sagging lightly in the plastic bag. "I would like to meet with them and introduce them to-" "For political meetings, we can't help, but for something artistic like seeing a performance in the festival, that might be possible." He jotted down my phone number and email address for reference, but it was perfunctory. "So long as you know that Palestinians artists are ready to talk about the problem, even if Israeli ones are not yet." I looked at him and this time his eyes moved down and away. As we wordlessly made our way to the foyer, Mr. Vardi's secretary beamed up at me, oblivious to the nature of our meeting. We bid farewell without any expectations, and I stepped back out into the searing heat of Tel-Aviv. The journey up to West Jerusalem was uneventful. Stretched out across two seats, the air-conditioned Israeli bus made me forget about the sun again for forty-five minutes. Walking across to East Jerusalem through the old city was a disconcerting shock however, as though stepping out of a bubble into a much denser world. Within a minute crowds were pressing from all sides and noise accelerated. I soon found myself wedged into a stuffy minivan with a dozen others Palestinians desperate to get home before curfew. At the first military barrier the Israeli soldiers showed no interest in checking ID, so we sped through. Then somebody said Ramallah had been closed early, which set of a babble of sighs, curses and mobile phone calls. The next barrier, at the Qalandia refugee camp, was imbedded in traffic. Palestinian workers stood in several lengthy and haphazard cues between concrete blocks and barbed wire, their shoulders hunched as they shuffled along beneath the gun towers. I joined one line, and felt very thirsty as my head seemed to press against the afternoon sun. After 35 minutes I reached the shaded desk surrounded by Israeli soldiers. A blonde adolescent girl in heavy combat gear curiously thumbed through my Australian passport and passed it over to two of her colleagues, pointing at the emblem on the cover and squealing "Kangaroo!". Slouching under the weight of their M16's, they smiled at it. Looking up at me, one said "Why are you here? Australia is so beautiful!" then looked away. "So, where are you going now?" The female soldier asked, still smiling. One minute before she had barked "Go back! Go back!" in poor Arabic to an elderly Palestinian man. "To Ramallah." "Ramallah is closed now." She replied simply, as though it were a supermarket. "Nobody can go in to Ramallah." "Then I'll stay the night in Semiramis." I lied, referring to an urban area before Ramallah. "But what are you doing in Ramallah?" she pressed on, curiously. "That's where I live...With my wife." "She is Palestinian?" "Yes." "You met her here?" Holding my passport and a gun, she managed to ask this with a cocktail-party tone. "Yes." "So, why did you come here?" "So, why did you come here?" I sighed and smiled, trying to parrot her pleasantness. "I was born here!" she snapped, as though suddenly joining the chorus of a patriotic song. She asked the question again, this time as an Israeli officer "So, why did you come here?" "Don't know," I shrugged. To hell with it, I thought. I'll sleep in a ditch if I need to. But then she flicked her wrist to indicate I should move on, and listlessly called for the next in line. From Qalandia I traveled in another crowded minivan to Semiramis. The sun was now low in the sky and one of the last passengers to disembark explained the safest route to Ramallah. I set off on foot across the hard stony hills, swinging the bag with the empty plastic water bottle and enjoying the pink hue on the small white cliffs. After an hour I reached the centre of town, which was deserted with all the shops shuttered. The sun had gone down, the moon had come up, and from one intersection I could look over dark hills south to the lights of Jerusalem and east to the lights of Jaffa. I snuck along side streets to avoid the patrolling jeeps and tanks, until reaching home. My wife sniffled as I kissed her. She explained that her nose was still running from a tear gas canister that an Israeli patrol had lobbed outside a bookstore earlier in the day. In the background, President George Bush's neolithic gaze pressed out of the television set. She turned up the volume to see if he was explaining why Iraq needed bombing, but CNN were instead running an oddball story on how he is the healthiest president in US history. As he strutted across the Whitehouse lawn, his physical-workout regime was described. Urging young people across America to exercise more, his taut stomach and thick arms helped define for them the aesthetic beauty of power. Contact us
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