House Committee on International Relations
"The Way Forward in the Middle East Peace Process"
February 10, 2005
Submitted for the record by Ziad Asali, MD President, American Task Force on
Palestine
Chairman Hyde, distinguished members of the Committee:
Thank you for giving me the privilege to be here today to discuss with you the
future of peace in the Middle East.
The American Task Force on Palestine was founded to promote the view that
creating a state of Palestine, living alongside Israel in peace, is vital to the
national security of our country. We are gratified by the diplomatic progress
that has taken place this week.
Last month, it was my honor to be a member of the official delegation our
government sent to observe the Palestinian elections. The group was comprised of
eight members: Senators Biden and Sununu, two Palestinian Americans - I being
one of them - and four senior Senatorial staff members who were later joined by
the U.S. Consul General in Jerusalem. In an intense and compact program we met
with the two Palestinian front runners and, separately, with the Palestinian and
Israeli Prime Ministers, the leaders of the International Observers, President
Carter, and Prime Ministers Rocard of France and Bilt of Sweden. We also met
with the President of the Palestinian Election Committee and his senior staff.
To me, and perhaps to others, by far the most fascinating and energizing part of
this trip was the contact with the Palestinian people. We visited eight voting
stations. Three of these were in Ramallah and Al-Bireh, four in
Jerusalem--- at Jafa Gate, Shufat, Al-Tour Mount Scopus, and Salaheddin
Street--- and finally, at closing time, we visited Bethany Al Ayzariyyeh to
observe the closing of the vote and counting of ballots. These places were the
stomping grounds of my youth. No experience in my life can match the singular
mix of emotions that I felt that day. A host of passions swelled within me, a
sense of pride and humility, of strength and vulnerability, hope and
trepidation, a sense of identity and identification as I moved around people
familiar and not so familiar.
Here I was, a member of my country's delegation to my home town, the place of my
birth and the home of my forefathers, come to bear witness to the birth of
democracy, and to the promise of an independent state. I felt the overwhelming
sense of being part of a significant piece of history in the making.
I went around asking many questions: "How do you feel? Has anybody intimidated
you? Bribed you? Tried to dissuade you from voting? Or to prevent you from
traveling?" The answer was uniform and consistent:
"No, no one did." After getting over their early suspicions, many of them were
eager to talk. The 85 year-old grandmother assisted by two of her grandchildren
told me, "This is my right." The middle aged professional woman said, "We did
not need a campaign. We know what we are doing, and we know whom to vote for."
And there were the young men insisting on visiting all stations in Jerusalem
until they found the one with their names listed.
The children were playful and at one point, broke out around us in a chant about
the elections. Pictures were taken. Adults were somber. They did not know what
to make of me.
I was one of them, yet I was with the Americans. Many of them asked questions of
me and I answered them. They asked, "Are the Americans serious?" They asked, "Do
you think Bush will do something?" "Yes, yes," I said, "as long as you do what
you are doing now." I shook hands, talked about their lives and mine and
communicated silently with strangers and knew that these people sensed the
weight of the moment. They did their part; they stood peacefully and silently in
lines, and, by their vote, they gave the message to the world about the dignity
of a people voting under occupation to seek freedom from occupation. By their
vote, Palestinians gave the most eloquent response to those who would paint them
all with the broad brush of terror and fanaticism.
The Election Committee prepared for these elections for two and a half years
coping with life under occupation, under conditions of siege, with check points,
restrictions of mobility and of communications. Teachers, both men and women,
volunteered to work at the election stations which were headed by school
principals. The committee, and the people, performed admirably. Dead people did
not vote, no one voted twice and there were no chads. People stood in line in
quiet dignity and in numbers. No harsh words were exchanged between candidates
or their supporters and there were no serious accusations of fraud. Palestinian
democracy was off to a solid start.
There were some problems. The Israelis and Palestinians negotiated a deal for
the Palestinians of Jerusalem to vote in 1996. Only a small fraction was allowed
to vote in the city while the majority had to vote in the West Bank.
Those who voted in Jerusalem had to do so at the post offices by posting their
vote in mailboxes so their residency status will remain unresolved.
The same rules of 1996 applied during this election. Fewer than six thousand
people were allowed to vote in the city and around one hundred and twenty
thousand had to vote in the West Bank. Many Jerusalemites were unable to vote in
their neighborhoods because their names were not on the list. We heard many
stories about individuals who moved to several stations before they eventually
went to the West Bank where they could vote. Some gave up.
By noon time it was clear to the international observers and the election
committee that many people who wanted to vote had difficulties, so the stations
were held open for all qualified voters and the hours were extended until 9 pm
rather than 7 pm. Some staff members of the election committee objected to the
change of rules to extend voting time to 9 pm.
Several members resigned later on over their concern for the integrity of future
parliamentary elections but they clearly mentioned that they believed that the
changes they objected to had no impact on the outcome of current elections. None
of the nine commissioners of the Committee resigned. The over 800 international
monitors certified the elections without reservations as free and fair. We heard
of no evidence of Israel interfering with or impeding access to elections. The
people have spoken and with just under seventy percent having voted, Mr. Abbas
was elected by over 62 %, and the runner up received 19%. Mr. Abbas's base of
support far exceeded his own party - Fatah's - base of about 30%. The silent
majority voted for Abbas'
message of peaceful negotiations.
The Palestinian people have created their democracy. Now, they must have their
freedom. The 3.5 million Palestinians in the occupied territories are not
citizens of the state that rules them, or any other state. What can the meaning
of liberty and self-government be without the fundamental prerequisite of
citizenship? They are the largest stateless group in a world composed of
citizens of nation-states. Moreover, they have been suffering under more than 37
years of military occupation by Israel, which has now become the longest
continuing military occupation in recent history. There is no people on earth
more badly in need of freedom than the Palestinians.
On January 9th, Mr. Abbas gained legitimacy. What he now needs is to enhance and
to use power and authority. One major asset that he has established is his own
credibility. During his one hundred days as Prime Minister under Arafat, during
his "wilderness" days out of office and out of favor, during his election
campaign, and consistently after his victory, he kept repeating his mantra of
opposition to violence, his call for unifying security agencies and his pursuit
of peaceful negotiations. There was no double talk and no ambiguity. I met him
during all these stages and he always said the same things in private that he
said in public.
It has been widely and correctly observed that the election and the victory of
President Abbas have created new opportunities to resolve this most damaging of
conflicts. This, together with the renewed commitment of President Bush to the
Roadmap and to the creation of a Palestinian state living in peace alongside
Israel, and Prime Minister Sharon's Disengagement Plan for Gaza and several
settlements in the West Bank, constitute the elements for significant progress.
Mr. Abbas is in the unenviable position of presiding as a president without a
state, just as the Palestinian Authority has been held to the responsibilities
of a state without having the authority, sovereignty or prerogatives of an
independent state. He has courageously staked his political future, and perhaps
even personal safety, on achieving freedom for his people through peaceful
negotiations. The political, historical, cultural, religious, national, regional
and international forces at play in the Palestinian body politic preclude any
neat and clear resolution of the question of authority and power by a democratic
election. The newly-elected President has to reason with adversaries, to
threaten at this time only by persuasion, to explain to his opponents that
alternatives are less attractive than what he has to offer. He has to come up
with the arguments for giving up the use of force even if Israel persists in
assassinations and in violent incursions. He has to explain why and how he could
trust this American Administration with its record of unabashed support of the
heavy hand of Mr. Sharon.
He has to explain his views about the unconscionable cost the Palestinian people
had to pay for using violence. He has to explain his strategy to his political
opponents knowing full well that they are as convinced of the utility of
violence as he is of its futility.
As he explains, argues and cajoles, he has to acquire a bigger stick, and
perhaps he will be forced to use it.
To succeed, he needs serious assistance from all parties. He is physically and
materially dependent on others -- the weakened Palestinian bureaucracy, the
United States and Israel -- to help him carry out most of his program.
He understands that the immediate task for Palestinians is to restructure and
reform the Palestinian Authority and its institutions. Having correctly
identified security as the indispensable item to deliver for his people and to
these two countries, he is in a position to deliver on his campaign promise.
Delivering on security is worth the overwhelming risk he is undertaking, because
without it there is no strategy other than a continuation of the present
miserable state of affairs. There can be no compromise on a disciplined and
accountable security apparatus.
Without security, there is no hope for peace. That said, it is imperative to
recognize that security concerns for both Palestinians and Israelis are only a
first step in a process that must lead to a full peace agreement, and to
understand that in the long run security can only be truly guaranteed by
implementing a viable and equitable political relationship between the parties.
For the new Palestinian leadership to succeed, it is equally important to
establish the rule of law and to remove the appearance and reality of
corruption. Mr. Abbas' mandate may be tested in upcoming municipal and
legislative elections, where opposition groups may exploit long-standing
concerns about corruption and lack of social services. It is imperative that the
Palestinian government have the resources needed to deliver services to its
people, or others will step into the void. However, the practical difficulties
for President Abbas in dealing with the problem of corruption were outlined by
the leading Palestinian pollster and analyst Khalil Shikaki at a February 2,
2005, briefing at the Palestine Center in Washington DC.
According to a summary of that briefing provided by the Center:
Shikaki said that Abbas must begin the difficult task of simultaneously
confronting corruption and violence. "There is no way he can do that because to
fight corruption, he must deal with those persons and groups who can deliver
security," acknowledged Shikaki.
However, if Abbas confronts those who are able to deliver security because of
his simultaneous need to deal with corruption, "there will be a big question
mark about his ability to maintain the cease fire,"
said Shikaki. He reiterated that if Abbas does not deal with corruption, Hamas
will win at least 70 to 90 percent of the local councils and that will have a
determinative effect on the outcome of parliamentary elections as well as any
legislative action on the issue of corruption. If Abbas decides to go after
corruption, Shikaki said that he will need to confront the Fatah Central
Committee, the body that nominated Abbas for the presidency, "which is going to
fight him tooth and nail." He noted that Abbas has indicated that he has no
intention of confronting the senior officials in the security establishment on
the issue of corruption, and is instead relying completely on them to deliver
security.
(http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/images/fortherecord.php?ID=226)
The way to help President Abbas square this circle is to provide the needed
financial and technical aid, and the appointment of Lt.
General William Ward as "security coordinator" to supervise reform of the
Palestinian security forces is a good start. Certainly, more aid and technical
support will be needed in the future.
The Israeli government is clearly in a position to do much to either help or
harm the credibility of the new Palestinian leadership. From Israel, President
Abbas needs cooperation and coordination. Israel has a variety of carrots and
sticks and it can help lay the foundation of peace if it uses them to
restructure the Palestinian-Israeli relation to one of potential partners bound
together by the shared destiny of eternal neighbors. What matters is the
strategic realignment that the moment promises. Forces of accommodation and
reconciliation on both sides can empower each other now, leaving the logic of
the zero-sum game behind. Forward-looking new thinking, away from tribal,
nationalistic and religious hostile instincts is urgently called for. What is
needed now is to coordinate moves that provide the mechanisms for separation of
potential partners as they work out the framework of a historic compromise.
The 37-year long occupation has been extremely onerous to the Palestinian
people, as the following synopses illustrate on four key
points: settlements and land expropriation, the separation barrier, checkpoints,
and home demolitions.
Settlements and Land Expropriation:
According to the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, "Over the past
35 years, Israel has used a complex legal and bureaucratic mechanism to take
control of more than fifty percent of the land in the West Bank."
(www.btselem.org/english/Settlements/Land_Takeover.asp) Israel has used this
process to establish hundreds of settlements in the West Bank and to populate
them with hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens, preventing Palestinians
from legally retaining ownership of or using these lands.
According to B'Tselem:
Since 1967, each Israeli government has...expand[ed] the settlements in the
Occupied Territories, both in terms of the area of land they occupy and in terms
of population. As a result of this policy, approximately 380,000 Israeli
citizens now live on the settlements in the West Bank, including those
established in East Jerusalem.
(www.btselem.org/English/Settlements/Index.asp)
The settlement infrastructure includes approximately 400 miles of bypass roads
which crisscross the West Bank and Gaza.
(www.btselem.org/english/statistics/20043112_2004_statistics.asp)
These roads are designated for Israeli-only use thereby forbidding Palestinians
from using them. Successive American administrations going back to President
Carter (including Presidents Reagan, Bush, Clinton and the current President
Bush), have opposed the policy of the government of Israel on settlements.
Furthermore, the Geneva Conventions clearly prohibits an occupying power from
transferring citizens from its own territory to the occupied territory.
Settlement construction increased by 35% in 2003, and "between 1993 and 2000 the
number of settlers on the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) increased by
almost 100 percent" despite opposition to them.
(http://www.btselem.org/English/Settlements/Index.asp)
A poll conducted by the pro-Israel peace organization Americans for Peace Now in
July 2003, found that 8 out of 10 settlers would agree to return to Israel if
compensated.
The Separation Barrier:
The construction of the 455 mile long barrier in the West Bank is a major
problem for the Palestinians since its current path cuts off hundreds of
thousands of acres of Palestinian real estate (CQ Researcher, Middle East Peace,
January 2005). The barrier's path would have been more appropriately built along
the internationally recognized boundary between Israel and the occupied West
Bank. A United Nations fact finding mission in November, 2003, discovered that
only 11% of the barrier's route as planned at the time coincided with the green
line. The remaining 89% curved deep into Palestinian territory (this has now
been revised to 85%, as noted below).
The Palestinians have challenged the legality of the route and the International
Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Hague ruled that the path was illegal. Yet barrier
construction inside the West Bank continues.
A September 2004 report by the United Nations Office for Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) states:
A new Barrier map was issued by the Israeli Ministry of Defense on 30 June 2004,
altering prior routes published on 23 October 2003 and 25 March 2004.
The revised route places fewer Palestinians on the west side of the Barrier but
does not reduce significantly the amount of land from which the Barrier
separates Palestinian landowners and farmers from their land. The revised route
removes two large enclaves in the Salfit and Ramallah governorates from the
prior route.
However, two major roads generally prohibited for Palestinian use run across the
open side of the revised route, and effectively act as barriers to Palestinian
movement out of these areas. Accordingly, it is unlikely that this revision will
improve the humanitarian access for the majority of Palestinians. The revised
route creates two semi- enclaves and an additional four new enclaves. The
revised route reduces the total length of the Barrier by 16 kilometers.
The report also noted that "While part of the Barrier runs along the
1949 Armistice or the Green Line, approximately 85% of the revised planned route
of the Barrier intrudes into the West Bank, up to 22 kilometers in the case of
the Ari'el 'finger.'"
(http://www.humanitarianinfo.org/opt/docs/UN/OCHA/BARRIER-
REP_Update-4_%5BEn%5D-Sep2004.pdf)
Checkpoints:
The Israeli system of checkpoints and roadblocks in the occupied territories
severely inhibit the Palestinian people from carrying out an ordinary life.
According to the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003, Israel and
the occupied territories published by the State Department:
. "Each day, tens of thousands of Palestinians traveling between Palestinian
towns and villages faced as many as 730 different barriers to movement."
."Israeli security forces harassed and abused Palestinian pedestrians and
drivers who attempted to pass through the approximately 430 Israeli-controlled
checkpoints in the occupied territories."
. "The Israeli Government severely restricted freedom of movement for
Palestinians [by enforcing] a massive network of checkpoints and roadblocks
across the occupied territories, which impeded the movement of people and goods
between Palestinian cities, villages, and towns."
. "Economic problems and checkpoint obstacles affected the availability of food
to Palestinian children. During the year, USAID and Johns Hopkins University
reported that 7.8 percent of Palestinian children under 5 suffered from acute
malnutrition, 11.7 percent suffered chronic malnutrition, and 44 percent were
anemic."
. "Israeli security forces at checkpoints often impeded the provision of medical
assistance to sick and injured Palestinians."
(http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27929.htm)
Home Demolitions:
Human rights groups estimate that more than 20,000 Palestinian homes were
demolished by Israeli occupation forces from 1967 to the early 1990s. Over the
last four years, Israel has demolished more than 3,000 homes, leaving tens of
thousands of men, women and children homeless or without a livelihood. In a May
2004 report Amnesty International said "Israel's unjustified destruction of
thousands of Palestinian and Arab Israeli homes as well as vast areas of
agricultural land has reached an unprecedented level and must stop immediately."
Amnesty continued, "In the Occupied Territories, demolitions are often carried
out as collective punishments for Palestinian attacks or to facilitate the
expansion of illegal Israeli settlements. Both practices contravene
international law and some of these acts are war crimes." (Under the rubble:
House demolition and destruction of land and property, Amnesty International,
Report, 18 May, 2004,
http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engmde150332004).
In addition, it should be noted that in the past 4 years of violence, more than
1,000 Israelis and 3,500 Palestinians have been killed, most of them on both
sides unarmed civilians. The security of one people cannot be separated from
security of the other - both must be protected. Honorable, competent leaders are
the key to lead both people at this most difficult period of transition at a
time where trust is the most precious commodity. We all know what is needed on
the Israeli side to achieve this; fewer checkpoints, end of humiliation, relief
from violence by settlers and the Israeli military, release of prisoners, and
military withdrawal. Last but certainly not least is creating no new "realities
on the ground" that contradict the vision laid out by President Bush or the
Roadmap, such as settlement or outpost growth, home demolitions, land
confiscation and predetermining final status issues such as borders and
Jerusalem through the route of the West Bank barrier.
Helping Mr. Abbas to deliver results for his people must be as much a litmus
test of Mr.
Sharon's credibility as Mr. Abbas's moves on security are properly a test of
his.
As for the United States, President Bush has set exactly the right tone since
his reelection by reiterating his commitment to the Roadmap and to his vision of
a two-state peace that he outlined in his speech of June 24, 2002.
He has said a Palestinian state can be born before the end of his second term.
President Bush understands that the high expectations of this moment need to be
reflected in a palpable improvement in the daily lives of the Palestinian
people, and he is sending the right message. He has sent Secretary Rice to visit
Israel and the Palestinian Territories in her first trip abroad, designated Lt.
Gen. William Ward "security coordinator" for the region, and has asked the
Congress for $150 million in FY06 economic assistance and an expected $200
million in the upcoming supplemental request. Our President is asking you to
lend him your bi-partisan support, for this tangible and timely assistance,
which sets an example for the rest of world to emulate.
President Abbas urgently needs our good offices, and assistance ranging from
financial to educational, civic, cultural, technical, trade and security issues.
He has no state and his country is under occupation. He has a budget deficit of
650 million dollars for this fiscal year and has 120,000 employees on his
payroll. Many of them serve in a fragmented security apparatus and a bloated
bureaucracy.
Many need to be sent home in order to build an efficient functional state
apparatus. Learning from the Iraq model, it is wise to send them on a pension.
This alone will cost hundreds of millions of dollars. He needs to rebuild the
foundations of all aspects of his nation top to bottom. Without effective
external help he is guaranteed to fail.
We have within our grasp not just the opportunity to lay the foundation for an
end to conflict, but also to foster a strategic realignment where Palestine will
be an ally of the United States and a partner to Israel in peace. Ultimately,
security and peace will be achieved by establishing a viable, contiguous,
independent and democratic Palestinian state, with a shared Jerusalem serving as
a capital for two states, and with a fair solution to the refugee problem
according to international law. The "painful concession"
Israel must make is to return the occupied Palestinian territories to their
rightful owners. However, for this year of 2005, three tasks must be
accomplished:
1) Establishing close security cooperation, with active US support.
Prompt activation of committees established in Sharm el Sheikh with scrupulous
implementation of agreements by both parties.
2) Both parties implementing their commitments under the Roadmap, as they
coordinate the Disengagement Plan.
3) Reforming and restructuring the Palestinian Authority.
With active U.S. engagement, these tasks can be accomplished. In order to
achieve significant progress, Palestinians need to create order and security,
and Israel must refrain from implementing any unilateral measures that can
prejudge the outcome of final status issues such as borders, refugees,
settlements and the status of Jerusalem. Both parties must abide by the
conditions of the Roadmap.
1. Establishing close security cooperation between Israel and the Palestinian
Authority, with active US support. Prompt activation of committees established
in Sharm el Sheikh with scrupulous implementation of agreements by both parties.
The successful deployment of Palestinian police in northern and southern Gaza is
a manifestation of early security cooperation between Israelis and Palestinians.
With the declaration of the ceasefire at the Sharm El-Sheikh summit, such
cooperation will only intensify as Israel prepares to redeploy from five
Palestinian cities in the coming weeks, to be followed by a more comprehensive
redeployment and the Gaza Disengagement Plan. Each instance of cooperation will
serve to build trust between both sides and establish momentum for future
cooperation. The appointment by President Bush of Lt.
General William Ward as "security coordinator"
to supervise reform of the Palestinian security forces is a positive first step
by the United States and an example of the hands-on and active approach required
as Israelis and Palestinians take these first tentative measures towards
rebuilding trust and confidence.
At the conclusion of the Sharm El Sheikh summit, five committees were appointed
to follow up on outstanding issues. These committees must be activated promptly
and their decisions must be implemented scrupulously. No confidence building
measures are better than verifying implementation of agreements and the United
States will be playing a crucial role in this process.
2. Both parties implementing their commitments under the Roadmap, as they
coordinate the Disengagement Plan from Gaza and parts of the West Bank.
Israel's Disengagement Plan from Gaza and parts of the West Bank has been
welcomed by all parties as complementary to the Roadmap, and, although initially
a unilateral Israeli action, it is now likely to be a coordinated effort. A
joint security committee has already been established, and is scheduled to start
meetings to ensure an orderly, secure and successful Israeli withdrawal.
While most Palestinians are suspicious of Israeli PM Sharon's intentions, his
plan means the irreversible end to a Greater Israel based on metaphysical and
religious claims. Nonetheless, it is incumbent upon both parties to live up to
their responsibilities to ensure that the disengagement is successful and serves
as momentum for further moves towards peace. It is essential that Palestinian
leaders and police ensure that the Israeli disengagement is not conducted 'under
fire' and can serve as a precursor and model for future Israeli withdrawals.
Israeli responsibilities, on the other hand, include undertaking a real end to
the occupation of Gaza and a more comprehensive approach to the Disengagement
Plan. Such an approach will serve to place the disengagement in the political
context of a final and comprehensive agreement in order to alleviate deeply held
Palestinian concerns that the Disengagement Plan is an attempt to buy time to
consolidate Israel's hold on the West Bank.
Phase One of the Roadmap shoulders the Palestinians with the responsibilities of
ending terror and violence, and building Palestinian institutions. Since the
passing of President Yaser Arafat, the new leadership has made significant
strides in meeting these responsibilities.
The Palestinian elections held on January 9, 2005, under occupation, heralded
the birth of Palestinian democracy, placing the Palestinians at the forefront of
Arab democratization efforts. While there still remain provisions under Phase
One of the Roadmap for the Palestinians to implement, in the four weeks since
the elections (which were themselves a Roadmap provision), the Palestinian
leadership has reiterated its commitment to implementing its Roadmap
responsibilities, has successfully negotiated a ceasefire pledge from
Palestinian militant groups, has instructed official Palestinian media to
abstain from any statements or messages that may be construed as incitement, and
has deployed thousands of Palestinian police in the Gaza Strip.
Israel's primary responsibility under Phase One, an end to settlement activities
including "natural growth" of existing settlements, has yet to be fulfilled in
any meaningful sense. On February 7, 2005, the Washington Post reported that:
The Israeli government and private Jewish groups are working in concert to build
a human cordon around Jerusalem's Old City and its disputed holy sites, moving
Jewish residents into Arab neighborhoods to consolidate their grip on strategic
locations, according to critics of the effort and a Washington Post
investigation. The goal is to establish Jewish enclaves in and around
Arab-dominated East Jerusalem and eventually link them to form a ring around the
city, a key battleground in the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict
because of its Jewish and Muslim holy sites, according to activists involved in
the effort and critics of the campaign.
("Israelis Act to Encircle East Jerusalem," Washington Post, February 7, 2005;
A15)
Such aggressive settlement activity is a clear example of how unilateral
measures designed to prejudice critical final status issues serve as an obstacle
to realizing President Bush's vision of peace based on two states, and why
ending such activities is the primary Israeli responsibility under Phase One of
the Roadmap.
3. Reform and restructuring of the Palestinian Authority.
Establishing the Rule of Law is the main and immediate task facing the new
presidency of Mr. Abbas. More specifically, the two main areas of reform that
are essential for the Palestinians to address are those of corruption and
restructuring and unifying the security services. It is important to stress that
these areas of reform can and should proceed independently of the
Israeli-Palestinian peace track. They are reforms essential to the Palestinian
national interest and serve in laying the groundwork for building the
representative and accountable institutions necessary for a robust democracy.
The participation of Secretary of State Rice in the upcoming March 1-2
conference in London, which will focus on building institutions that will form
the bedrock of a Palestinian state, is an important and timely contribution. We
urge Congress to support the President and the Administration by authorizing the
necessary funds to assist in building these vital institutions.
The Palestinians have made impressive strides in addressing corruption and
managing Palestinian finances to be transparent, and attractive to international
donors. While work on this ongoing process remains to be done, Finance Minister
Salam Fayyad, recognized worldwide for his credibility and reputability, has
made great strides and demonstrated serious diligence in working to accomplish
this priority. As an example, the Palestinian national budget is the only one
from any Arab country to be posted online.
Security is the indispensable item for Mr. Abbas to deliver, both for his people
and for Israelis. Delivering on security is worth the overwhelming risk he is
undertaking because without security there is no peace strategy.
The ceasefire declaring a formal end to more than four years of fighting by both
parties at the summit held in Egypt on Tuesday, February 8, 2005, is an early
and positive sign of Mr.
Abbas' appreciation and seriousness about this issue. The appointing of a new
Palestinian security chief to oversee the process of unifying and training the
Palestinian security services is another critical component of restructuring the
Palestinian Authority.
Conclusion
The unique promise of this moment is the commitment of the current political
leadership on all three sides to perform these tasks, combined with the will of
the majority of Palestinians, Israelis and Americans for peace. For this promise
to lead to peace, the indispensable leadership of the United States needs to
come in the form of such tangible, hands-on mechanisms. We can encourage world
leaders to lend a hand in securing peace. We can set up the system of ultimate
security for both parties by incorporating them in a binding international
alliance. Once we are able to deliver help to the people on the ground, we
should make sure to be public and clear about our support for Mr. Abbas and the
Palestinian people.
While resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is properly the main focus of
our present attention and efforts, the ultimate goal must be the creation of a
comprehensive regional peace in the Middle East.
The constructive involvement of Egypt and Jordan is a significant indicator for
prospects of such a comprehensive peace. The fact that these two countries
participated in the summit at Sharm al-Sheikh earlier this week points to the
broad constituency within the region for a Palestinian-Israeli peace.
To be sure, there are those in Palestine, Israel, the Arab world and here in the
United States who are opposed to the peaceful vision of a two-state solution. We
will hear their belligerent words and we should anticipate their nefarious
deeds. Our challenge is to build successes and tangible benefits that promote a
culture of reconciliation and peace, and defeat the forces of hate and violence.
Peace in Palestine will deny demagogues and terrorists the most potent weapon in
their arsenal.
The urgency of timely intervention cannot be overstated, as what all parties do
and do not do in the coming months will determine whether this glimmer of hope
becomes the dawn of a new era of peace, or proves to be merely the twilight
before another long night of conflict and chaos. We must act decisively in the
interests of the Israeli, Palestinian and Arab peoples, and, above all, in our
own American national interest.
The summit at Sharm el Sheikh, the initial points of agreement between the
parties and the prompt initial steps taken to implement them, are the most
promising developments in many years. We cannot afford to fail to seize this
opportunity, and commit substantial efforts and resources to achieve peace.
My Rights, Our Power: A Joint Campaign Launched in Palestine to Raise Awareness on Women’s Fundamental Human Rights
Date posted: March 09, 2019
By UN Women
1_March 2019, Ramallah – On the occasion of the International Women’s Day (8 March), a week-long joint campaign “My Rights, Our Power” was launched today in Palestine to raise awareness on women’s fundamental human rights. The joint effort, with participation from over 30 national and international partners from civil society organizations, media outlets, and international development agencies, targets youth, women, and men in various geographic areas in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza to promote women’s human rights in Palestine.
The campaign comes at a crucial moment when the anticipated adoption of the Family Protection Bill is at a standstill, raising concerns among national and international stakeholders about the consequences of such delay on safeguarding women’s fundamental human rights in Palestine. According to the Palestine report of the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), nearly one in five Palestinian men (17 percent) surveyed said they had perpetrated act of physical intimate partner violence against female partners, while 21 per cent of women surveyed reported having experienced such violence.
“Family violence, usually committed by a family member who has social or economic power over others in the family, causes enormous pain and suffering to all members of the family, especially the women and children,” said a spokesperson from civil society, which has vigorously initiated the development of the Family Protection Bill (FPB), and has strongly pushed its adoption since 2004.
“The violation of women’s human rights manifests in various levels and should be also understood from economic, cultural, and social aspects,” the spokesperson added, highlighting the lack of opportunities and freedom of choice, as well as limited access to justice and services that women in Palestine still experience.
The joint campaign aims to raise awareness of the general public, especially youth, women, and men on women’s fundamental rights in line with international standards and embedded in the Family Protection Bill draft endorsed by the previous Cabinet at the end of December 2018. Five key messages, addressing women’s right to a life free of violence, right to achieve justice and seek help in case of violation of such life, as well as the right to equal opportunities and right to make one’s own choices, will be distributed through various channels such as radio, social media, helpline (121), outreach activities, and on-site events. The closing event of the joint campaign will take place on 8 March in Jerusalem and will celebrate women’s achievements using TED-style talks, followed by art performances.
“My Rights, Our Power” joint campaign is part of the global International Women’s Day 2019 campaign under the theme of “Think equal, build smart, innovate for change”. The theme focuses on innovative ways in which we can advance gender equality and the empowerment of women, particularly in the areas of social protection systems, access to public services and sustainable infrastructure, echoing the theme of the 63rd session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW 63) taking place in New York on 11-22 March 2019.
The participating organizations of the “My Rights, Our Power” are (in alphabetical order): 17 Palestinian women’s organizations represented by Al-Muntada (coalition), British Consulate-General, Business Women Forum, CARE International, Consulate General of Sweden, Consulate General of Belgium, EUPOL COPPS, EU Representative Office, FAO, General Union of Palestinian Women, Government of Japan, CowaterSogema/GROW Project, International Labour Organization, Italian Agency for Development Cooperation, Ma’an TV, MIFTAH, Netherlands Representative Office, Nisaa FM, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development, Palestinian Family Planning and Protection Association, Representative Office of Canada, Representative Office of Denmark, SAWA, Sawasya II, Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation, Sports for Life, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, Representative Office of Norway, UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNICEF, UNOPS, UN Women, Women's Centre for Legal Aid and Counseling, Women’s Studies Center.
For more information, please contact Eunjin Jeong at UN Women via eunjin.jeong@unwomen.org or 059 2321 308, Majd Beltaji at UNESCO via m.beltaji@unesco.org or 059 4501 506.
