يواجه المقدسيون بشكل عام محاولة الاحتلال الإسرائيلي أسرلة المناهج في المدينة المقدسة، ومحاولة طمس الهوية الوطنية الفلسطينية من خلال كافة الإجراءات والممارسات التي تمارسها السلطات وسط موارد مالية شحيحة ومبانٍ غير مؤهلة، ومرافق تعليمية غير مناسبة بشكل كبير، بالإضافة إلى تعدد المرجعيات المرتبطة في التعليم في هذه المدينة.

ورقة الحقائق هذه تركز على واقع التعليم في المدينة من حيث توزيع الطلبة والمدارس والمناهج المعتمدة فيها، مع التركيز على حق الفتيات بالتعليم في المدنية.

إحصائيات وأرقام حول التعليم في المدينة:

• بلغت نسبة المدارس التي تشرف عليها وزارة التربية والتعليم الفلسطينية 59.2% من عدد المدارس الكلي بناء على المعطيات التي أوردتها وحدة شؤون القدس 2018- 2019 في القدس الشرقية وضواحيها الخاضعة للقانون الإسرائيلي، مقابل 40.8% تشرف عليها وزارة المعارف الإسرائيلية وبلدية الاحتلال.
• بلغ عدد الغرف الصفية الناقصة في القدس (لجميع المدارس للفلسطينيين والإسرائيليين) 3794 غرفة صفية، 2100 منهنّ في المدارس الفلسطينية فقط بنسبة 55.3%.
• كان توزيع المدارس التي تقع تحت إشراف وزارة التربية والتعليم الفلسطينية بواقع 35.3% مدارس أهلية وخاصة، 21.4% مدارس للأوقاف، 2.5% مدارس وكالة الغوث وتشغيل اللاجئين، بينما كان توزيع المدارس التشرف عليها وزارة المعارف الإسرائيلية وبلدية الاحتلال 9.7% معترف بها شبه حكومية "المقاولات" و31.1% تابعة لوزارة المعارف والبلدية بشكل مباشر حسب بيانات 2020-2021.

ويعاني الطلبة بشكل عام في القدس المحتلة من الاعتداءات المتكررة من قبل سلطات الاحتلال، وإهدار عدد كبير من الحصص المدرسية خاصة الصباحية بسبب ذلك.

مقابلات الطالبات والخبراء والأهالي:

تمت مقابلة 20 طالبة بشكل فردي و10 طالبات كمجموعة بؤرية، رغم أن المقابلات الفردية كانت قصدية، حيث توجهت الباحثة إلى طالبات تعرضن لأحد أنواع التحرش إلا أنه إثناء المقابلات تبين أن معظم من تمت مقابلتهن تعرضن لأكثر من نوع من أنواع التحرش. وشملت المقابلات أيضاً 17 من ذوي/ات العلاقة بواقع 6 مديرات مدارس، ومرشدتين، و3 خبراء/ات (خبير رجل، و2 خبيرات نساء) و6 أولياء أمور (2 رجال،4 نساء)

نتائج المقابلات:

• حول المدارس غير الصديقة للطالبات.. ودور جدار الفصل العنصري في إعاقة وتشويش العملية التعليمية في مدينة القدس

  الموضوع	الطالبات	النسبة	الخبراء والأهالي	النسبة
  مدارس غير صديقة للطالبات.	22	73.33%	13	76.47%
  جدار الفصل العنصري يعيق ويشّوش العملية التعليمية.	29	96.66%	17	100%

• التحرش والمضايقات التي تتعرض لها الطالبات المقدسيات أثناء توجهن للمدارس

  الموضوع	الطالبات	النسبة	الخبراء والأهالي	النسبة
  التعرض للتحرش على الحواجز العسكرية.	16	53.33%	12	70.58%
  التعرض للتحرش في المواصلات العامة المكتظة.	20	66.66%	11	64.70%
  التعرض للتحرش من الجنود في شوارع البلدة القديمة بالقدس.	7	23.33%	5	29.41%
  التعرض لمختلف المضايقات على الحواجز العسكرية أو في الشوارع من الجنود والمستوطنين.	15	50.00%	14	82.35%

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Background

Since the beginning of its illegal occupation in 1967, Israel has detained over 1 million Palestinians, who are tried in Israeli military courts with a conviction rate close to 100%. Israel also detains Palestinians with no charge or trial for an indefinite period under so-called “administrative detention”. This policy of mass arbitrary arrest is one of the tools used to maintain Israel's illegal occupation, apartheid regime and settler-colonial project.

To date, over 10,400 Palestinians have been arbitrarily arrested since October, 2023. The conditions of Palestinian prisoners have significantly deteriorated since the beginning of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, and imprisoned Palestinians are being subjected to torture, starvation, violent cell raids, including with tear gas, deliberate medical negligence, denial of food, water, sanitary pads and sanitation, as well as denial of lawyers and family visits.

Despite the absolute prohibition of torture and ill-treatment under international law, Israeli occupation forces and prison authorities employ various torture and ill-treatment techniques against almost all Palestinian political prisoners and detainees, including women and children, leaving grave physical and psychological damage. Israeli prison authorities, occupation forces and interrogators feel emboldened to commit such acts of torture with full impunity, knowing that neither the complicit Israeli legal system nor the international community will hold them accountable.

While sexual violence against Palestinian women and men has long been a tactic of torture at Israeli military checkpoints, during raids on their own homes and inside prisons, it has rapidly increased since the start of the genocide in Gaza. Palestinian women are often hesitant to share such stories, in fear of the associated social stigma, something which Israel exploits, and also due to the belief that Israel’s crimes will go unpunished.

Access the full factsheet here.

Background:

The Israeli-imposed siege and the frequent aggressions targeting medical facilities in Gaza have debilitated the health sector and its capacity to provide proper medical services. This is exacerbated in cases of chronic diseases, which gives rise to a need to leave the Gaza Strip to receive medical treatment in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, or elsewhere. However, Israel imposes a strict and discriminatory permit regime, which has a disproportionate impact on medical patients given their conditions, and it is not unusual for these permits to be significantly delayed or ultimately refused by Israel.

The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) collected questionnaires from 102 women diagnosed with cancer in the Gaza Strip to assess the quality of the treatment, availability of equipment, accessibility, and referral process.

The full report is accessible here.

Conclusion and recommendations:

The 16-year-long Israeli-imposed blockade and closure on Gaza have had detrimental impacts on the health sector in the besieged Strip. Specifically, the siege has compromised the ability of the healthcare sector to deliver proper medical services due to the absence of crucial medication, equipment, and supplies under flimsy security pretexts. Ultimately, frequent aggressions and targeting of health facilities and the Israeli-imposed siege on Gaza compromise the availability, accessibility, and quality of healthcare services available to Palestinians in Gaza.

MIFTAH urges the international community to:

• Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;

• Exert pressure to lift the blockade on the Gaza Strip and allow for the free movement of people and goods;

• Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;

• Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.

The summary factsheet is accessible here.

The legislation of the family protection bill is aimed at the protection of the family itself as an institution, and to guarantee its preservation. Palestinian legislators are aware of the importance of this bill, which is why all ministries and official institutions committed to developing its relevant programs, policies and plans, each according to their field of expertise. Their goal is to contribute to the promotion of a culture that combats domestic violence and encourages the response of public policies to this objective, through education, health, legislation and the media. Another objective is to track the bill’s impact and periodically assess it in cooperation with other civil societies. This paper focuses on some of the financial indicators pertaining to this bill.

All family members in Palestine are subjected to violence, including children, minors, women and men. However, married women remain the sector most vulnerable to domestic violence according to a 2019 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics survey. It said 29.4% of married women had been subjected to at least one type of violence by their husbands as opposed to 13% of men who had been subjected to violence by their wives, by their own confession. A total of 44.7% of individuals who have never been married have been subjected toviolence;7.6% of the elderly and 44.2% of children(12-17yearsold) were the victims of violence at the hands of one of their parents. Although a high percentage of women have been victims of violence from their spouse, a considerable percentage of these women, around 60.3% preferred to stay silent about the assault. Only a small percentage of women asked for help through official avenues; 2.9% went to a defence lawyer to file a lawsuit against their husbands, 1.3% went to the police or a family protection unit and 1.4% went to the centres for mental, social and legal aid.

Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill

The table above shows that the estimated and main additional cost of the Ministry of Social Development to be around ILS4 million a year, considering that the other parties (police, prosecution and courts) are currently carrying out their roles without fully allocating specialized departments for protection from violence. However, if these parties do allot specialized departments for protection from violence, overall costs will reach approximately ILS16.2 million. Nonetheless, even if this cost is incurred, it still only comprises a small part of public expenditures, approximately 0.1%. Overall public expenditures for 2022 amount to approximately ILS16.2 billion, which means the cost of passing this bill and implementing its provisions will not constitute financial burden on the general budget and will not be an obstacle to ratifying the law by decree.

Furthermore, it should be noted that while it is imperative to calculate some of the costs resulting from violence against women, the reaerate the high costs as well. The secret social costs, which impact society as a whole. Data from the Ministry of Social Development showed (see graph), that violence exercised against women has prompted around 60% of them to flee their homes. Also, 18% of them attempted suicide in addition to suffering from mental and physical illnesses, unwanted pregnancies or others. Calculating expenses incurred from violence is not an easy process and there are no national data or figures that can measure the impact violence has on the state’s general budget due to the prevalent mentality towards violence as an issue associated only with women. This is especially true when the conversation is about the indirect and intangible effects of violence, including:

Violations of human rights; negative social, economic and political impacts; working women who get sick and need to take sick leave; lack of focus and productivity; impact of violence on children and academic failure; the rise in the percentage of school dropouts among children; the rise in long-term unemployment rates; the percentage of homeless children who become a burden on society; government expenditures for medical treatment; safehouses; therapy; monitoring cases of violence against women; individual expenses for following up on legal cases and lawyer fees; loss of income because of repeated absence from work or inefficacy; social expenses resulting from the breakup of the family; expenses of training individuals on how to deal with cases of violence; expenses for issuing laws and legislation on the protection of women from violence.

Confirmation of the above is that the UN believes the economic, social and health costs of violence against women are, to a large extent, undocumented and unrecognized. However, these remain colossal, according to researchers, specialists and defenders of women’s rights.

To view the full factsheet as PDF