EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy Brussels, 6 June 2007 Let me respond to the comments of the parliamentary group leaders. Most of their interventions have essentially followed the line that we have been defending for some time. That is that the moment has come to move on from a policy of crisis management - which is very important but is not sufficient - to a policy, together with crisis management, of conflict resolution. We need to work for a political horizon that will really start to lead to a solution to the conflict that started 40 years ago. That is something that we are trying to do in the coming days. When I told you that the Quartet met in Berlin last Wednesday I said that, for the first time, the Quartet is committed to starting to work for a political horizon. That means that before the end of this month we will meet - the Quartet as such, together with the Palestinians and the Israelis - in order to push forward the dialogue that is still at a very preliminary stage between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert. These are the two people who should find the way to peace. It is our obligation to push and to catalyse this process and that is what we are going to do. That is what is written very clearly in the statement issued by the Quartet last Wednesday. I think that this is a profound change and I would like to underline that because when somebody said: "are we going to wait passively for the catastrophe to arrive?" the answer is no! We are not going to do that, we do not want to do that, you don't want to do that, the people in the region do not want to do that. Therefore, the leaders of the Quartet are trying to push forward this mechanism to move on towards a resolution. A few other ideas were raised by the parliamentary group leaders. There is the question of an international force. Let me say that for the first time in many, many years, the idea of an international force is not off the agenda. It has, as you know, been presented by members of the Knesset saying that the time may have come to call for an international force, which could, at least in the beginning, have a peacekeeping role, patrolling the border in the south, in the so-called Philadelphi Corridor where, as you know, the Rafah border crossing point is located. The Israelis are also considering that possibility, as are the Palestinians and the Egyptians, with differing intensity. This clearly needs further discussion. This links up with what Mrs Napoletano said about the success of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). The fact that an international force - whose backbone is European, as you know - has been responsible for the application of the UN Security Council resolution has led some in the Israeli government and in the Knesset and in Israel as a whole to think that a model of that nature could perhaps also be applied elsewhere. So, we have to link all the issues together. What we have learned from our presence in Lebanon is that it may be possible to apply the model elsewhere, perhaps to provide a monitoring presence which would be absolutely necessary if we want to the peace process to come to fruition. I would like to emphasise again, as regards Lebanon, that the United Nations Security Council Resolution on the creation of the tribunal is very important. The reaction to it has been very negative in Syria but the international tribunal is not against any person or any country. It is a tribunal to be set up in order to determine who is responsible for the killing of a good man, a friend of many of ours, Mr Hariri, who was assassinated in a manner that has to be clarified if we want to have peace and reconciliation in Lebanon. The European Union will therefore be working for that. I would like to say once again that what we have done, working very determinedly, to mobilize the Quartet in the direction that it is taking now is something that has many fathers and many mothers but you can be sure that the Europeans have been working very hard from the very beginning to arrive at this point. Let us hope that we are able to continue working in that direction. I hope to have in the coming period of time, which will be difficult, the support, help and understanding of the European Parliament. In response to further comments during the debate by Members of the European Parliament, let me say that we are debating a very important issue, the Middle East, and that although the situation is very difficult, this is a time of hope, which has not existed for a long time. I have been involved in the Middle East for many years. I was at the Madrid Conference and at the last Camp David Conference. And not since Camp David have I perceived us to be any closer than I feel we are today to the beginning of a real, meaningful communication and exchange and therefore to the beginning of a political horizon. There are three reasons for this: one is the Arab League Initiative, which we did not have at the time of Camp David. Secondly, 40 years have elapsed. I think everybody is exhausted, psychologically, physically and politically. Out of this exhaustion, I think that we have to muster new psychological and political energy in order to move forward. And, thirdly, we have a mechanism, the Quartet, comprising the United Nations, the European Union, the United States and the Russian Federation. For the first time, we have the United States and the European Union at the same negotiating table with the parties. I believe that all these elements change the horizon. We must try to move on, and not to falter. We cannot achieve a solution to all the problems in 24 hours, or by the end of the month. But we have the opportunity to move the peace process forward. And, as a final thought, I want to stress that we must be proud of ourselves, as members of the European Union. If you go to Palestine, as you do, you hear criticism. But probably, if you really talk in depth to the Palestinians and Israelis, you will find a growing sympathy and understanding for the way in which the Europeans are doing things. I think that we Europeans have to recognise this every now and then. Otherwise we will never move forward collectively, as we need to do. Moving this process forward is an effort for everybody. We have an opportunity. Let us see whether, next time we meet, we see progress. We will not see the solution but les us see whether we make progress.
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By: Palestinian Women’s Civil Coalition for the Implementation of UNSCR1325
Date: 26/10/2022
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Open letter to the UN Secretary General on the 22nd Security Council Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security Agenda (UNSC Resolution 1325)
Your Excellency Secretary General On the 22nd anniversary of UNSC Resolution 1325 and the annual open discussion at the Security Council for the advancement of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, the Palestinian Women’s Civil Coalition for the Implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325 would like to bring your attention to the fact that the suffering of Palestinian women living in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) has unprecedentedly escalated since this resolution was passed, due to the Israeli occupation’s ongoing, hostile policies, systematic violations of human rights and grave breaches of international humanitarian law that are disproportionally impacting women and girls in the OPT. These violations include extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, restriction on movement, military blockades, house demolitions, land confiscation and illegal de-facto and de-juri annexation, in addition to the ongoing isolation of areas of the OPT from one another. This has had both individual and collective impact on the lives of women, impeding their access to resources, compounded by the deteriorating economic situation due to the occupation’s control and dominance over land and resources. Added to this is the rise in poverty levels due to unemployment, military blockade on the Gaza Strip for over 15 years and the occupation’s exercise of systematic long-term violence against the Palestinian protected population in the OPT, settlement expansion combined with settlers’ violence and vandalism The Palestinian Women’s Civil Coalition strongly believes that 22 years since the passage of UNSC Resolution 1325 has not resulted in concrete measures for the advancement of the women, peace and security agenda to Palestinian women living under Israeli prolonged military occupation. A lot still need yet to be made by the Security Council to maintain peace and security for Palestinian women living under military occupation. To the contrary, complications and challenges to Palestinian women have increased in terms of implementing the WPS agenda, due to Israeli impediments to its implementation. Israel, the occupying power, has also placed enormous obstacles before Palestinian women who seek to implement this resolution, given its continued occupation of the OPT and the absence of a just and durable solution to end this prolonged belligerent occupation. No concrete measures were taken by the international community to implement UN resolutions related to the question of Palestine, namely UN Resolutions 242, 338, 194 and 2334. Instead, Israel is intent on confiscating and annexing more land to build settlements, which has severed any path to the establishment of an independent and contiguous Palestinian state. Instead, OPT has been transformed into isolated islands more like the Bantustans of apartheid South Africa, as indicated in the most recent evidence based-report by Amnesty International, describing Israel as an apartheid regime, where one racial group is discriminating against other racial groups. The Palestinian Women’s Civil Coalition, would also like to point out to the remarkable conclusions of a UN independent Commission of Inquiry (CoI) in its recent to the UN General Assembly in New York on 20/10/2022, which considered the Israeli occupation as unlawful according to international law. The report called on the UN General Assembly to ask the International Court of Justice for an urgent advisory opinion on the illegality of this prolonged military occupation, and the impacts of the Israeli illegal measures and violations against the Palestinian civilian population in the 1967 OPT. Your Excellency UN Secretary General, As the UNSC is meeting to discuss the advancement of the WPS agenda, we would like to draw to their attention the double standards employed by the United Nations in dealing with its own resolutions, especially when it comes to Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the practices of Israel, the occupying power against Palestinian civilian population. Israeli illegal policies in the OPT , has not only curtailed Resolution 1325 from guaranteeing protection for women and involving her in security and peacemaking, it has also thwarted all international tools and mechanisms for the protection of civilians in times of war and under occupation. This is due to the failure of the international human rights and humanitarian law especially the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protections of Civilians at time of War and under occupation. The reason for this is that the UN itself is discriminatory and has double standards in its handling conflicts, and peoples’ causes due to the huge imbalance in justice and the policy of impunity, which Israeli, the occupying power enjoys. These policies have allowed Israel to escape from accountability or any punitive measures in accordance to UN Charter and more specifically Article 11 of UNSC Resolution 1325, which demands that perpetrators of crimes and violations during war are not afforded impunity. The fact that Israel is treated as a country above the law, and the absence of any form of accountability has only encouraged it to commit more crimes and violations. A case in point is the recent murdering of Palestinian Journalist Shirine Abu Akleh, where no one has been held accountable thus far, although the incident was caught on tape and there is hard evidence proving that her death was the result of premeditated and extrajudicial killing by the Israeli army. During its evaluation and review of its action plan, the Palestinian Women’s Civil Coalition noted that Resolution 1325 and the nine subsequent resolutions, pinpointed the reasons for the outbreak and development of conflicts in various regions of the world to racial, religious and ethnic disputes. However, it excluded women under racist, colonialist occupation, which is the case of Palestinian women under Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, including occupied East Jerusalem. Thus, it has disregarded all international resolutions pertaining to the rights of the Palestinian people, over and above Israel’s disregard for its responsibilities as an occupying power. This necessitates a special resolution addressing the status of Palestinian women under racist, colonialist occupation, and addressing the root causes of the suffering of Palestinian women and the major obstacle they face in meaningful political participation, and in moving forward in the advancement of the women, peace and security agenda. Mr. Secretary General, Finally, we in the Palestinian Women’s Civil Coalition for the implementation of Resolution 1325, thank your Excellency for your understanding, and for conveying our concerns to all nation states during the open debate on WPS in the Security Council this year. We call on you to dedicate ample attention to the status of Palestinian women during the 22nd Security Council meeting on Resolution 1325, with the objective to develop and push forth the WPS agenda and put into action the role of international tools of accountability. We ask you to provide the necessary protection for Palestinian women under occupation, by closely overseeing the implementation of this resolution and the party responsible for impeding its application on the ground, namely, the Israeli occupying power that has exacerbated the suffering of Palestinian women at all levels and increased discriminatory measures against them.
With our sincere thanks and appreciation,
By: Dr. Hanan Ashrawi
Date: 19/10/2021
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Statement to the United Nations Security Council, Quarterly Open Debate on the Situation in the Middle East, including the Palestine Question
Mr. President, Esteemed Members of the Security Council, I am deeply grateful for the opportunity to address you today, especially thankful to H.E. Ambassador Macharia Kamau, Foreign Affairs Principal Secretary and the Republic of Kenya for the kind invitation. For over 70 years, the UN and its various bodies have been seized of the Palestine question; repeatedly reviewing conditions, adopting resolutions, and dispatching fact-finding missions, to no avail. Sadly, this Council has been unable to assert authority, allowing this injustice to become a perpetual tragic human, moral, political and legal travesty. So it would be disingenuous of me to come before you assuming I could inform you of something you do not already know. Nevertheless, I do appreciate the opportunity to communicate in a candid manner, not to recite endless statistics, nor to reiterate the ongoing pain of a people, deprived of their basic rights, including even the right to speak out, admonished not to “whine” or “complain,” as a means of silencing the victim. The tragedy is that you know all of this; yet, it has had a minimal impact, if any, on the horrific conditions in Occupied Palestine. I imagine it must be disheartening and frustrating for this distinguished organization and its members to find themselves trapped in this cycle of deliberate disdain and futility. It is therefore imperative that this Council consider where it has gone wrong and what it can do to correct course and serve the cause of justice and peace. Undoubtedly, the absence of accountability for Israel and of protection for the Palestinian people has enabled Israeli impunity to ride roughshod over the rights of an entire nation, allowing for perpetuation of a permanent settler-colonial occupation. Mr. President, Much of the prevailing political discourse overlooks reality and is diverted and subsumed by chimeras and distractions proffered by Israel and its allies under such banners as “economic peace,” “improving the quality of life,” “normalization,” “managing the conflict,” “containing the conflict,” or “shrinking the conflict.” These fallacies must be dismantled. Volatile situations of injustice and oppression do not shrink. They expand and explode, with disastrous consequences. Similarly, the delusion of “imposing calm” under siege and systemic aggression, particularly as in Gaza, is an oxymoron, for calm or security on the one hand and occupation or captivity on the other are antithetical and irreconcilable. Likewise, the fallacy of “confidence-building measures” is misguided since occupation breeds only contempt, distrust, resentment, and resistance. The oppressed cannot be brought to trust or accept handouts from their oppressor as an alternative to their right to freedom and justice. The misleading and flawed “both sides” argument calling for “balance” in a flagrantly unbalanced situation is another attempt at obfuscation and generating misconceptions. Israel’s impunity is further enhanced using such excuses as being the so-called “only democracy in the Middle East” or a “strategic ally,” or having “shared values,” or even for the sake of protecting its “fragile coalition.” There has also been tacit and, at times overt, acceptance of Israel’s ideological, absolutist arguments, including the invocation of religious texts as a means to dismiss and supplant contemporary political and legal discourse and action. Hence, the so-called “Jewish State Law,” which allocates the right to self-determination exclusively to Jews in all of historic Palestine, is endorsed and normalized. In the meantime, a massive disinformation machine persists in its racist maligning and demonizing of the Palestinian people, going so far as to label them “terrorists,” or a “demographic threat,” a dehumanizing formula exploited as a way to deny the right of millions of Palestine refugees to return. Such slander has warped political focus and discourse globally. Some states have gone off on a tangent pursuing Palestinian textbooks for so-called “incitement,” or adopting the IHRA definition that conflates criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism, or criminalizing BDS, or intimidating and censoring academics and solidarity activists who stand up for Palestinian rights. These distortions ignore the unequal and unjust laws designed to persecute Palestinians, individually and collectively. It is evidenced in the defamation of our political prisoners and the targeting of their families’ livelihoods, as though Israeli military courts or prison systems have anything to do with justice or legality. The mindless refrain that Israel has the “right to defend itself,” while the Palestinian people are denied such a right, is perverse in that the occupier’s violence is justified as “self-defense” while the occupied are stigmatized as “terrorists.” We cannot afford to disregard the context of occupation and its systemic aggression as the framing device for all critical assessments and action. Excellencies, Occupied Palestine, including Jerusalem, is the target of a comprehensive and pervasive policy of colonization and erasure, of displacement and replacement, in which Israel is appropriating everything Palestinian; our land and resources; our cultural and human heritage; our archeological sites, which we have safeguarded for centuries; our history; our cuisine; the names of our streets; and most egregiously the identity of Jerusalem, as we witness in the ethnic cleansing of the Old City, Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan among others. Even our cemeteries have been desecrated such as the building of a so-called “museum of tolerance” on top of human remains in Maman’ Allah cemetery. And, Israel continues to stoke the flames of a “holy war,” with repeated assaults on our holy sites, particularly Al-Aqsa Mosque. Jerusalem is being targeted in a deliberate campaign of annexation and distortion. Israel now brazenly declares its intent to complete the settlement siege of Jerusalem and destruction of the territorial contiguity of the West Bank, with its outrageous plans for E-1, Qalandiya airport (Atarot), “Pisgat Ze’ev” and “Giv’at HaMatos.” We cannot be distracted by symbolic gestures that create a false impression of progress. Claims that the “time is not right,” or that it is “difficult now” to work for a peaceful solution, give license to Israel to persist in its perilous policies. Likewise, repeating a verbal commitment to the two-State solution, while one state is allowed to deliberately destroy the other, rings hollow. Mr. President, All of this does not preclude our recognition of our own shortcomings. We do not shirk our responsibility to speak out against internal violence, human rights abuses, corruption, or other such practices that are rejected and resented by our own people. It is our responsibility to carry out democratic reform and revitalize our body politic while ending our internal divisions. This is a Palestinian imperative. But we must caution others against exploiting our shortcomings to justify Israeli crimes or international inaction, or to condition any positive engagement on the creation of an ideal system of governance in Palestine while we languish under a lawless system of Israeli control. We ask that you, trustees of the rules-based order, uphold your responsibilities: provide us with protection from aggression and empower our people to amplify their voice, both in governance and liberation. Esteemed Members of the Council, Peace is not achieved by “normalizing the occupation,” sidelining the Palestine Question, or rewarding Israel by repositioning it as a regional superpower. Such an approach maintains the causes of regional instability and insecurity, while enabling Israel as a colonial apartheid State to superimpose “Greater Israel” on all of historic Palestine. Generation after generation, the people of Palestine have remained committed to the justice of their cause, the integrity of their narrative, the authenticity of their history and culture, and their inviolable right to live in freedom, and dignity, as an equal among nations and in the fullness of our humanity. It is time to reclaim the narrative of justice and invoke our collective will to activate the UN Charter and affirm the relevance of international law. The time has come for courageous and determined action, not just to undo the injustice of the past but to chart a clear and binding course for a peaceful future of hope and redemption. I thank you. To view the full Speech as PDF
By: Global Coalition of Leaders
Date: 04/09/2021
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Open Letter to the States Parties to the Arms Trade Treaty on the Need to Impose a Comprehensive Two-Way Arms Embargo on Israel
We, the undersigned global coalition of leaders –from civil society to academia, art, media, business, politics, indigenous and faith communities, and people of conscience around the world– call upon the States Parties to the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) to act decisively to put an end to Israel’s notorious use of arms and military equipment for the commission of serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights against Palestinian civilians by immediately imposing a comprehensive two-way arms embargo on Israel. In the spring of 2021, the world once again watched in horror as Israeli occupying forces attacked defenceless Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip, in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and inside Israel. Palestinian civilians peacefully protesting against colonisation of their land were assaulted with live fire, rubber-coated steel bullets, sound bombs, tear gas and skunk water. Israel’s deadly military aggression against the Palestinian civilian population in the Gaza Strip was the fourth in a decade. Over 11 days, 248 Palestinians were killed, including 66 children. Thousands were wounded, and the reverberating effects of the use of explosive weapons on hospitals, schools, food security, water, electricity and shelter continue to affect millions. This systematic brutality, perpetrated throughout the past seven decades of Israel’s colonialism, apartheid, pro-longed illegal belligerent occupation, persecution, and closure, is only possible because of the complicity of some governments and corporations around the world. Symbolic statements of condemnation alone will not put an end to this suffering. In accordance with the relevant rules of the ATT, States Parties have legal obligations to put an end to irresponsible and often complicit trade of conventional arms that undermines international peace and security, facilitates commission of egregious crimes, and threatens the international legal order. Under Article 6(3) of the ATT, States Parties undertook not to authorise any transfer of conventional arms if they have knowledge at the time of authorisation that arms or items would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the Geneva conventions of 1949, attacks directed against civilian objects or civilians protected as such, or other war crimes as defined by international agreements to which they are a Party. Under Articles 7 and 11, they undertook not to authorise any export of conventional arms, munitions, parts and components that would, inter alia, undermine peace and security or be used to commit serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law. It is clear that arms exports to Israel are inconsistent with these obligations. Invariably, Israel has shown that it uses arms to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity, as documented by countless United Nations bodies and civil society organisations worldwide. Military exports to Israel also clearly enabled, facilitated and maintained Israel’s decades-long settler-colonial and apartheid regime imposed over the Palestinian people as a whole. Similarly, arms imports from Israel are wholly inconsistent with obligations under the ATT. Israeli military and industry sources openly boast that their weapons and technologies are “combat proven” – in other words, field-tested on Palestinian civilians “human test subjects”. When States import Israeli arms, they are encouraging it to keep bombing Palestinian civilians and persist in its unlawful practices. No one –neither Israel, nor arms manufacturers in ATT States parties– should be allowed to profit from the killing or maiming of Palestinian civilians. It is thus abundantly clear that imposing a two-way arms embargo on Israel is both a legal and a moral obligation. ATT States Parties must immediately terminate any current, and prohibit any future transfers of conventional arms, munitions, parts and components referred to in Article 2(1), Article 3 or Article 4 of the ATT to Israel, until it ends its illegal belligerent occupation of the occupied Palestinian territory and complies fully with its obligations under international law. Pending such an embargo, all States must immediately suspend all transfers of military equipment, assistance and munitions to Israel. A failure to take these actions entails a heavy responsibility for the grave suffering of civilians – more deaths, more suffering, as thousands of Palestinian men, women and children continue to bear the brutality of a colonial belligerent occupying force– which would result in discrediting the ATT itself. It also renders States parties complicit in internationally wrongful acts through the aiding or abetting of international crimes. A failure in taking action could also result in invoking the individual criminal responsibility of individuals of these States for aiding and abetting the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity in accordance with Article 25(3)(c) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Justice will remain elusive so long as Israel’s unlawful occupation, settler-colonialism, apartheid regime, and persecution and institutionalised oppression of the Palestinian people are allowed to continue, and so long as States continue to be complicit in the occupying Power’s crimes by trading weapons with it. In conclusion, we believe that the ATT can make a difference in the Palestinian civilians’ lives. It has the potential, if implemented in good faith, to spare countless protected persons from suffering. If our call to stop leaving the Palestinian people behind when it comes to implementation of the ATT is ignored, the raison d'être of the ATT will be shattered. Joining organisations:
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By the Same Author
Date: 09/06/2007
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Summary of the Address to the European Parliament on the Middle East
EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy Brussels, 6 June 2007 Let me respond to the comments of the parliamentary group leaders. Most of their interventions have essentially followed the line that we have been defending for some time. That is that the moment has come to move on from a policy of crisis management - which is very important but is not sufficient - to a policy, together with crisis management, of conflict resolution. We need to work for a political horizon that will really start to lead to a solution to the conflict that started 40 years ago. That is something that we are trying to do in the coming days. When I told you that the Quartet met in Berlin last Wednesday I said that, for the first time, the Quartet is committed to starting to work for a political horizon. That means that before the end of this month we will meet - the Quartet as such, together with the Palestinians and the Israelis - in order to push forward the dialogue that is still at a very preliminary stage between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert. These are the two people who should find the way to peace. It is our obligation to push and to catalyse this process and that is what we are going to do. That is what is written very clearly in the statement issued by the Quartet last Wednesday. I think that this is a profound change and I would like to underline that because when somebody said: "are we going to wait passively for the catastrophe to arrive?" the answer is no! We are not going to do that, we do not want to do that, you don't want to do that, the people in the region do not want to do that. Therefore, the leaders of the Quartet are trying to push forward this mechanism to move on towards a resolution. A few other ideas were raised by the parliamentary group leaders. There is the question of an international force. Let me say that for the first time in many, many years, the idea of an international force is not off the agenda. It has, as you know, been presented by members of the Knesset saying that the time may have come to call for an international force, which could, at least in the beginning, have a peacekeeping role, patrolling the border in the south, in the so-called Philadelphi Corridor where, as you know, the Rafah border crossing point is located. The Israelis are also considering that possibility, as are the Palestinians and the Egyptians, with differing intensity. This clearly needs further discussion. This links up with what Mrs Napoletano said about the success of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). The fact that an international force - whose backbone is European, as you know - has been responsible for the application of the UN Security Council resolution has led some in the Israeli government and in the Knesset and in Israel as a whole to think that a model of that nature could perhaps also be applied elsewhere. So, we have to link all the issues together. What we have learned from our presence in Lebanon is that it may be possible to apply the model elsewhere, perhaps to provide a monitoring presence which would be absolutely necessary if we want to the peace process to come to fruition. I would like to emphasise again, as regards Lebanon, that the United Nations Security Council Resolution on the creation of the tribunal is very important. The reaction to it has been very negative in Syria but the international tribunal is not against any person or any country. It is a tribunal to be set up in order to determine who is responsible for the killing of a good man, a friend of many of ours, Mr Hariri, who was assassinated in a manner that has to be clarified if we want to have peace and reconciliation in Lebanon. The European Union will therefore be working for that. I would like to say once again that what we have done, working very determinedly, to mobilize the Quartet in the direction that it is taking now is something that has many fathers and many mothers but you can be sure that the Europeans have been working very hard from the very beginning to arrive at this point. Let us hope that we are able to continue working in that direction. I hope to have in the coming period of time, which will be difficult, the support, help and understanding of the European Parliament. In response to further comments during the debate by Members of the European Parliament, let me say that we are debating a very important issue, the Middle East, and that although the situation is very difficult, this is a time of hope, which has not existed for a long time. I have been involved in the Middle East for many years. I was at the Madrid Conference and at the last Camp David Conference. And not since Camp David have I perceived us to be any closer than I feel we are today to the beginning of a real, meaningful communication and exchange and therefore to the beginning of a political horizon. There are three reasons for this: one is the Arab League Initiative, which we did not have at the time of Camp David. Secondly, 40 years have elapsed. I think everybody is exhausted, psychologically, physically and politically. Out of this exhaustion, I think that we have to muster new psychological and political energy in order to move forward. And, thirdly, we have a mechanism, the Quartet, comprising the United Nations, the European Union, the United States and the Russian Federation. For the first time, we have the United States and the European Union at the same negotiating table with the parties. I believe that all these elements change the horizon. We must try to move on, and not to falter. We cannot achieve a solution to all the problems in 24 hours, or by the end of the month. But we have the opportunity to move the peace process forward. And, as a final thought, I want to stress that we must be proud of ourselves, as members of the European Union. If you go to Palestine, as you do, you hear criticism. But probably, if you really talk in depth to the Palestinians and Israelis, you will find a growing sympathy and understanding for the way in which the Europeans are doing things. I think that we Europeans have to recognise this every now and then. Otherwise we will never move forward collectively, as we need to do. Moving this process forward is an effort for everybody. We have an opportunity. Let us see whether, next time we meet, we see progress. We will not see the solution but les us see whether we make progress.
Date: 26/11/2005
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Toward a Partnership of Hope
This week we mark the 10th anniversary of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership by returning to the city where it all began: Barcelona. Ten years ago I was particularly proud to preside over the launch of a unique venture: the "Barcelona process." At the heart of that lay an inspiring vision of our relations with the Mediterranean partners, but also a call to duty. To create a zone of shared security and shared solidarity, of open markets and open societies across the Mediterranean. The way we pledged to achieve these goals was through true partnership and close cooperation between governments and citizens. The launching of the Barcelona process was an integral part of Europe's response to the post-Cold War situation and to globalization. Above all it was a political act. It not only recognized our interdependence, but also created a new "Mediterranean identity." In the past 10 years, there is much that we have achieved. We are working together across the full spectrum of government responsibilities: economy, security, governance and more. No issue is considered "too sensitive" to put on the agenda. The Barcelona process has also solidified a network of interlocutors beyond governments and it has been a great laboratory of ideas. But clearly our world has also changed since 1995. This is the post-9/11 era and we have to come to terms with it. In many respects, the Mediterranean runs the risk of becoming a dangerous crossroads of many of the perils of the modern world: poverty, poor governance, terrorism, human trafficking and political extremism. At the same time, this sea remains our joint heritage and a unique platform for cooperation. I believe we should remain true to the original Barcelona vision, while adjusting our partnership to focus on new challenges. Above all, we must inject a greater dose of urgency in everything we do. The problems are piling up fast while our capacity to respond has to keep pace. The Euro-Med partnership is not the only international framework for multilateral cooperation with this region. But it is the most developed and in many ways preferred one. The reason is that it promotes both security and reform simultaneously. We reject those who insist that we should sequence things, saying that either conflict resolution or political reform must come first. Barcelona is about pursuing both reform and security at the same time. It is true that the Barcelona process was born of the hopes of the Oslo peace talks. And clearly, the absence of peace between Israelis and Palestinians casts a shadow over our work. But Barcelona was about supporting the peace process, not supplanting it. Moreover, we Europeans have been working nonstop to promote a peace accord. We have long been by far the largest donor to the Palestinians. We are now also engaged in the diplomatic process through the Quartet and in the area of security. Take our training efforts for the Palestinian police plus, our new mission as third-party monitors at a border-crossing in Gaza. These are big changes since 1995 when Europe was not directly engaged, either diplomatically or operationally, in the peace process. Security and reform go hand in hand. Thus, we must step up our cooperation on new security threats and inject new impetus into our work on political and economic modernization. There can be no mistake: Promoting democracy, pluralism and human rights was part of the original Barcelona recipe. For us Europeans, these are essential values. That is why it is natural to seek to promote them abroad and why we are glad that our Mediterranean partners agree on their importance. We all know that successful governments must meet the aspirations of their people. What are we doing concretely? We are providing monitoring and assistance for the organization of elections. This often attracts headlines. But we are also working on the "building blocks" of democracy, through support for civil society, by strengthening the capacities and independence of the judiciary, and by promoting respect for human rights. Many Mediterranean countries say they want to advance on the path of political reform but that it should be home-grown and that they need help. I agree. So I am pleased that the EU will launch a so-called governance facility. This will not be a cosmetic initiative, but one that, over seven years, will offer several hundred million euros to those countries that are making the greatest efforts concerning governance reform. They can then spend the extra money on the priorities they have set themselves. This is what I call a true partnership for political reform. We should also give more money to education and we will. Education is the silver bullet. Concretely, this means improving standards, eradicating illiteracy, reforming the curriculum, and ensuring equality between girls and boys. Education also means openness to each other's ideas. That is why we should increase international exchanges across the Mediterranean. Managing the growing challenge of migration adroitly is another test of our partnership. Legal migration is an economic and demographic imperative for Europe, which must get better at integrating those who seek a better life on its shores. But illegal migration is often based on a cynical exploitation of the weak by human traffickers. All of us, countries of origin, transit and destination, have an interest in tackling these unscrupulous networks. There will be a lot of speeches and declarations at the summit. Amid all this, let us remember that the Euro-Med partnership is there to serve our citizens, to prepare our societies for a challenging future. For me, the Barcelona process is essentially a project of hope and a means to banish hopelessness. It is our collective duty and our common interest to realize its full potential. Javier Solana is the EU's high representative for the Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP). Date: 10/09/2005
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Europe is Ready to Commit more after Disengagement
Israel's disengagement from Gaza and parts of the northern West Bank has provided a momentous occasion for both the Israeli and Palestinian people. For a long time, the quest for a Palestinian state seemed hopeless. Now the parties have a chance to do something about it. With Palestinians and Israelis facing important elections next year, it is manifestly in the interest of both, and indeed the rest of the world, that this operation be seen as a success. We therefore need responsible action and leadership by all concerned, including the international community. Disengagement is a huge challenge but also a great opportunity. If successful, it could revive the long-stalled peace process and enable a return to the negotiating track and the implementation of the "road map." The stakes in handling the political, security and socioeconomic dimensions of disengagement are high. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's determination to proceed in the face of significant opposition from within his own Likud Party was striking enough. But seeing Israeli forces having to forcibly remove settler communities highlighted the dramatic nature of the operation and underscored the support that the Israeli government deserves. For the Palestinians disengagement is a chance to win over the skeptics, in Israel and elsewhere, and show that they can actually run their own affairs in a responsible manner. If they rise to the occasion, it could provide them with the much-needed hope and reassurance that they are on their way to full statehood across the Occupied Territories. The security aspects of disengagement are essential for its success. For Israel, the logical priority is to ensure that Gaza will not become hostile territory from which terrorists launch attacks on neighboring communities and the rest of Israel. The Palestinian Authority (PA) faces tough decisions concerning improving its ability to maintain law and order. Statehood means, as PA President Mahmoud Abbas has emphasized, respect for the rule of law and a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Both for the sake of disengagement, but also to promote a return to political negotiations afterward, the PA must move against those individuals and groups who continue to use violence. Then there is the challenge of handling the economics of disengagement. All parties have an interest in ensuring the economic viability of one of the most deprived, over-populated and ill-serviced areas of the Middle East. Amid all this, one thing is clear: We cannot afford to fail. That was my message when I recently visited Israel and the Palestinian areas. I also stressed the European Union's willingness to do whatever it can to help, at the request of the parties. The EU is already strongly engaged with the parties and on the ground in support of disengagement and the peace process. And it will continue to be so in the weeks and months ahead, in a spirit of friendship and partnership with both peoples. The EU and its member-states have long been by far the largest donors to the Palestinians, giving the equivalent of over $600 million annually in emergency support and medium-term assistance to institution-building projects. The European Commission has set aside $74 million, especially for the disengagement process. Moreover, the EU backs and supports the efforts of the Quartet envoy, James Wolfensohn, making sure that our efforts are coordinated carefully with other donors and spent to the greatest effect. In addition, the EU is ready, if asked by the parties, to play the role of third party in the area of customs management and border control. This would help to facilitate a free flow of goods and people between Gaza and the rest of the world, in a manner that addresses Israel's security concerns. We are also helping the Palestinians to consolidate the various security organizations under a clear political chain of control. Through training, equipment and financial support, the EU and the member-states are helping Palestinian police forces to increase their operational capacity and transform their organizational setup. A core unit of EU advisers is already deployed in Ramallah and Gaza city. Provided that benchmarks for performance and accountability are met, we are ready to expand our commitments in the area of security. All these steps, coordinated closely with the United States and others in the Quartet, present tangible evidence that the EU does not just say it wants disengagement to succeed: We are prepared to step up our engagement to make that happen. Javier Solana is the policy coordinator for foreign affairs and security for the European Union. THE DAILY STAR publishes this commentary in collaboration with the Common Ground News Service.
Date: 22/08/2005
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A Huge Challenge, a Great Opportunity
Israel's disengagement from Gaza and parts of the northern West Bank has now started. This is a momentous occasion, for both the Israeli and Palestinian people. For a long time, the quest for a Palestinian state seemed hopeless. Now the parties have a chance to do something about it. It is manifestly in the interest of Palestinians, Israelis and indeed the rest of the world that this operation is a success, with both sides facing important elections next year. We therefore need responsible action and leadership by all concerned, including the wider international community. Disengagement is a huge challenge but also a great opportunity. If successful, it could revive the long-stalled peace process and enable a return to the negotiating track and the implementation of the road map plan. The stakes in handling the political, security and socioeconomic dimensions of disengagement are high. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's determination to proceed in the face of significant opposition from within his own Likud party is striking enough. But seeing Israeli forces having to forcibly remove settler communities highlights the dramatic nature of the operation and underscores the support that the Israeli government deserves. For the Palestinians disengagement is a chance to win over the skeptics, in Israel and elsewhere, and show that they can actually run their own affairs in a responsible manner. If they rise to the occasion, it could provide them with the much-needed hope and reassurance that they are on their way to full statehood across the occupied territories. The security aspects of disengagement are essential for its success. For Israel, the logical priority is to ensure that Gaza will not become hostile territory from which terrorists launch attacks on neighboring communities and the rest of Israel. The Palestinian Authority faces tough decisions concerning improving its ability to maintain law and order. Statehood means, as PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas has emphasized, respect for the rule of law and a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Both for the sake of disengagement, but also to promote a return to political negotiations afterward, the PA must move against those individuals and groups who continue to use violence. Then there is the challenge of handling the economics of disengagement. All parties have an interest in ensuring the economic viability of one of the most deprived, over-populated and ill-serviced areas of the Middle East. Amid all this, one thing is clear: We simply cannot afford to fail. That was my clear message when I visited Israel and the Palestinian areas, including Gaza, a few weeks ago. I also stressed the European Union's willingness to do whatever it can to help, at the request of the parties. The EU is already strongly engaged, with the parties and on the ground, in support of disengagement and the peace process. And it will continue to be so in the weeks and months ahead, in a spirit of friendship and partnership with both peoples. The EU and its member-states have long been by far the largest donor to the Palestinians, giving both 500 million euros annually in emergency support and medium-term assistance to institution-building projects. The European Commission has set aside 60 million euros especially for the disengagement process. Moreover, the EU backs and supports the efforts of Quartet envoy James Wolfensohn, making sure that our efforts are coordinated carefully with other donors and spent to the greatest effect. In addition, the EU is ready, if asked by the parties, to play the role of third party in the area of customs management and border control. This would help to facilitate a free flow of goods and people between Gaza and the rest of the world, in a manner that addresses Israel's security concerns. We are also helping the Palestinians to consolidate the various security organizations under a clear political chain of control. Through training, equipment and financial support, the EU and the member-states are helping Palestinian police forces to increase their operational capacity and transform their organizational setup. A core unit of EU advisers is already deployed in Ramallah and Gaza city. Provided that benchmarks for performance and accountability are met, we are ready to expand our commitments in the area of security. All these steps, coordinated closely with the United States and others in the Quartet, present tangible evidence that the EU does not just say it wants disengagement to succeed: We are prepared to step up our engagement to make that happen. We know from experience that the search for peace in the Middle East is hard, and that the absence of peace hurts all of us, inside the region and beyond. That is why today and tomorrow our efforts should be focused on making disengagement work. But we should do so with the hope and commitment that soon after, we can build on a successful disengagement to restart the negotiating track and resume the road to a two-state settlement. In that context we will have to deal with post-Gaza issues including further withdrawals, the routing of the barrier and Jerusalem. Windows of opportunity are rare enough in international politics and especially in the troubled Middle East. We cannot afford to simply let it close. Javier Solana is the policy coordinator for foreign affairs and security for the EU.
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