Introduction
The fishing sector in the Gaza Strip is facing a number of serious challenges. This calls for concerted efforts to achieve economic stability for thousands of Palestinian families who are subsisted by fishing work and the sale of fishing-related supplies. The main challenge facing this sector is the Israeli procedures and practices that seek to undermine it. This is because the occupation applies a systematic policy that aims to destroy this vital sector and weaken the Palestinian economy and food system. These violations are witnessed on a daily basis and they include, inter alia, attacking Palestinian fishermen and fishing boats, preventing and disrupting the entrance of auxiliary tools for fishing, and prohibiting the manufacturing of these tools in the Gaza Strip. Israeli violations also include denying access to the fishing area stipulated in the Oslo Accords (which is 20 nautical miles) and the area mentioned in the truce agreement after the 2014 aggression (which was 9 nautical miles, curtailed to 6 nautical miles, then was reduced to only 3 nautical miles).
Israeli practices and measures pushed the fishing sector to the brink of collapse, prompting several local and international organizations to urgently support this sector to prevent its total deterioration. Most of the funding for this sector (whether at the local level through Palestinian NGOs or from regional and international organizations) is directed towards its revival and helping it overcome the hurdles and challenges amidst the ongoing depletion of resources. This assistance is usually relief-oriented and aims to prevent fishermen and their families from falling into abject poverty. Furthermore, developmental projects for enhancing the fishing sector are almost always controlled by Israeli policies, thus inhibiting any real or radical change in the Palestinian fishing sector (such as rehabilitating the Gaza International Port).
Policy Paper Objective
The aim of this policy paper is to analyze the procedures, policies and role of official, unofficial and international organizations vis-à-vis the fishing sector and fisheries in the Gaza Strip in light of the ongoing Israeli violations. Moreover, it seeks to present policy proposals to promote this sector in Palestine and confront and eliminate Israeli violations.
Policy Problem:
The paper tackles the following policy problem:
- What policies should be adopted to protect fishermen in the Gaza Strip?
Reality and Context of the Palestinian Fishing Sector:
Fishermen are among the most affected Palestinian segments by the unfair Israeli practices. This made fishing conditions extremely difficult because Israel restricts the entry of necessary materials for rehabilitating boats that were damaged by gunfire or sea accidents, thus preventing fishermen from fixing or reusing their boats. These restrictions greatly affected Palestinian fishermen’s work and prevented them from making feasible profits from this sector. For example, the number of fishermen in Gaza decreased from approximately 10,000 in the year 2000 to only about 3,600 at the beginning of 2020. Also, the Labor Force Survey Report issued by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) showed that 37.4% of Gaza’s fishermen are unemployed, 47.1% of them do not have food security, and 11.7% are exposed to food insecurity. A detailed study that examined fishermen’s needs showed that, among the different needs of fishermen, food is considered the highest priority and education is the lowest priority. The study also showed that 91.94% of fishermen’s families live below the poverty line, and that 55.67% of fishermen’s families live in extreme poverty in the Gaza Strip.
According to the Oslo Accords signed by Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the permitted fishing area is limited to 20 nautical miles. These accords and their annexes divided the sea of Gaza into three zones of maritime activity represented by characters/letters, i.e., zones “K”, “M” and “L”, respectively. These zones were described as follows by these accords:
Zone “K” and Zone “M”: Zone “K” extends to 20 nautical miles in the sea from the coast in the northern part of the sea of Gaza and 1.5 nautical miles wide southwards. As for Zone “M”, it extends to 20 nautical miles in the sea from the coast in the southern part of the sea of Gaza and one (1) nautical mile wide from the Egyptian waters. Subject to the provisions of this paragraph, Zones “K” and “M” will be closed areas, in which navigation will be restricted to activity of the Israel Navy.
Zone “L”: Zone “L” is bounded to the south by Zone “M” and to the north by Zone “K”, and it extends to 20 nautical miles into the sea from the coast. Zone “L” will be open for fishing, recreation and economic activities, in accordance with the following provisions: First: Fishing boats will not exit Zone “L” into the open sea and may have engines of up to a limit of 25 Horsepower (HP) for outboard motors and up to a maximum speed of 15 knots for inboard motors. The boats will neither carry weapons nor ammunition, nor will they fish with the use of explosives. Second: Recreational boats will be permitted to sail up to a distance of 3 nautical miles from the coast unless, in special cases, otherwise agreed within the Maritime Coordination and Cooperation Center. Recreational boats may have engines up to a limit of 10 HP. Marine motor bikes and water jets will neither be introduced into Zone “L” nor be operated therein.
However, the Israeli occupation forces did not abide by the terms of this agreement, especially after the outbreak of Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000. Consequently, the occupation forces reduced the fishing area to 12 nautical miles as a collective punishment measure until 2006. Israel further reduced the fishing area after imposing its blockade on Gaza following the control of Hamas over the Gaza Strip, whereas the fishing area was curtailed to only 3 to 6 nautical miles. In 2019, Israel reduced the maximum area allowed for Palestinian fishermen’s boats in nine instances, and they imposed a complete prohibition on sailing in four cases. Additionally, Gaza’s fishermen received 19 notifications in 2019 regarding changes in permitted fishing areas and the allowed distances. According to human rights organizations, the second half of 2020 witnessed 171 shooting assaults by the Israeli Navy against Palestinian fishermen’s boats. As a result of these shootings, 6 fishermen were wounded and 3 were arrested, including a minor. Furthermore, the Israeli Navy caused extensive damages to seven boats, and numerous fishing equipment were severely damaged and one boat was confiscated.
Several forms of Israeli violations are being committed, whereas the occupation unhesitatingly uses brutal force and suppression in their attacks against this vital sector. These actions include the following:
- Non-compliance with the signed agreements with Palestinians and forcefully imposing unstable borders.
- Shooting, attacking and arresting Palestinian fishermen, as well as confiscating their boats and intentionally sinking them.
- Preventing the entry of spare parts for improving and rehabilitating fishing boats (such as important fishing tools and equipment). This is due to the Israeli blockade and the banned items list - which includes more than 72 types of items that are denied entry into Gaza, thus affecting the fishing sector’s activity and the livelihood of Palestinian fishermen.
- Israel prevents the marketing, transportation and exporting of fish products outside the Gaza Strip (especially to the West Bank).
Palestinian Legislations related to the Fishing Sector and Fisheries:
The “Law on Agriculture of 2003” is the applicable law in the Gaza Strip. Article (73) of this Law stipulates the following:-
“The Ministry shall develop a regulation on fisheries to be promulgated by the Council of Ministers, provided that it includes the following: 1. Regulate the fishing profession, as well as licences and fees necessary thereto. 2. Regulate the importing, exporting and marketing of fish and other aquatic beings and trading therein. 3. Define the specifications and conditions of pisciculture projects and fish farming. 4. Determine specifications of fishing nets, feeds, medicines, vaccines and hormones for the control of fish diseases. 5. Designate the seasons and times of sea fishing.” Moreover, Article (74) of this Law stated that “No solid or liquid waste or wastewater may be discharged into Palestinian fishing waters, nor may sand be taken or rocks removed from coasts or the nature of the seabed be changed”.
Additionally, Article (75) stipulates that “Beach bulldozers may not be used nor fishing nets be set up at a distance that is less than one hundred metres from the beach except by permission from the Minister”. And despite the Palestinian President’s issuance of Decree Law No. (14) of 2018 concerning the Amendment of Agricultural Law No. (2) of 2003, this decree is not applied in the Gaza Strip due to the Palestinian internal division.
The General Department of Fisheries is entrusted with implementing the aforementioned law. This Department is the competent body authorized to ensure the highest utilization of fish resources by developing this sector, promoting fish farming systems, introducing new types of fish for pisciculture and fish farming, and following up fishermen’s licensing and the movement of boats. The General Department of Fisheries also promotes the sustainability of fishing activities and ensures the adequate use of fisheries by determining the suitable fishing methods, times and tools, as well as contributing to the national food security process. However, the Ministry of Agriculture in the Gaza Strip has one of the lowest percentages of the Palestinian Authority budget and is given a low priority within the de-facto system in the Gaza Strip.
The dire situation of the Palestinian fishing sector and fisheries affected the implementation of relevant laws and legislations. For example, until now there is no insurance system for fishing boats and no abidance by the instructions related to the size and type of fishing nets. Hence, some people use illegal fishing nets and methods, not to mention the phenomenon of fishing without a license. Also, the absence of a port that conforms to international fishing standards led to the disorderly spread of fishing boats along the beach, whereas large numbers of boats are found in the limited area designated for fishing. This is because the coastal municipalities throw wastewater into the sea, thus leading to seawater pollution.
In light of what was mentioned above, this paper presents a number of policy options for relevant Palestinian and international bodies. This encompasses alternatives and suggestions to introduce policies that support Palestinian fishermen. The paper assumes that the presented propositions can be simultaneously implemented to lead to a stronger impact within a reasonable time-period.
First Alternative: Internationalize the Palestinian Fishermen’s Crisis and Resort to International Parties
Since the international law and agreements signed with Israel (especially the Oslo Accords) stipulate larger areas for Gaza’s fishermen, this alternative is considered internationally legitimate. Therefore, the Palestinian Authority must pressure the Israeli government, through the United Nations and its international agencies and bodies, to put an end to its violations against Palestinian fishermen and abide by international humanitarian law. The Palestinian Authority must also request from the Special Rapporteurs of agreements signed with Israel to pressure the latter to abide by the signed agreements. Israel should also be held accountable for its ongoing violation of international conventions, especially the two international covenants. Palestinian parties should also highlight Israel’s violations against Gaza’s fishermen and submit related reports to UN Special Rapporteurs and other United Nations mechanisms and bodies, including the UN Secretary-General, Human Rights Council, and Security Council.
Second Alternative: Empower Palestinian Farmers by Adopting Protective Policies and Measures
In accordance with the provisions of Decree Law No. (12) of 2013, the Palestinian Authority established a special independent fund for compensating for natural disasters and providing agricultural insurance. This fund is called the Palestinian Agricultural Disaster Risk Reduction and Insurance Fund (PADRRIF). However, the law is still unable to effectively deal with the Gaza Strip in general and fishing sector in particular due to the Palestinian political division. In order to empower Palestinian fishermen, the aforementioned fund (PADRRIF) must include the fishing sector, especially with regard to insurance and compensation for damages resulting from storms and weather fluctuations.
Third Alternative: Building and Rehabilitating the Gaza International Port
Despite the sizable efforts of the Palestinian Authority for establishing the Gaza International Port, the Gaza Strip still depends on the Israeli port of Ashdod for maritime transportation. In fact, the Palestinian Authority established the Port Authority in 2000 after negotiating with Israel in the Oslo Accords (1993) and Sharm El-Sheikh Agreement (1999), both of which stipulated the establishment of a Palestinian port, with a pledge from France and Netherlands to establish the port with a cost of 96 million U.S. Dollars. However, only a few phases of the port’s construction plan have been implemented on the ground. The failure to complete the Gaza International Port had negative implications for fishermen. Therefore, the completion of this port is necessary to empower the Palestinian fishing sector and enable fishermen to build larger fishing boats due to having special basins for this purpose.
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This Policy Paper was prepared as part of the “Youth as Human Right Defenders” project funded by the European Union The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH
ورقة سياساتية: نحو سياسات آمنة لحماية قطاع الصيد والثروة السمكية
تاريخ النشر: 07/07/2021
بقلم: مفتاح
مقدمة:
يواجه قطاع الصيد البحري في قطاع غزة جملة من التحديات، والتي ينبغي تظافر كل الجهود وتحقيق استقرار اقتصادي لآلاف الأسر الفلسطينية التي تعتاش من خلال هذا العمل في الصيد وبيع المستلزمات ذات العلاقة. ومما لا شك فيه أن أبرز التحديات التي تواجه هذا القطاع كانت ولا تزال ممثلة بالإجراءات والممارسات الإسرائيلية والتي تستهدف هذا القطاع على مدار العام حيث وتعمل قوات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي عبر سياسية ممنهجة على تدمير هذا القطاع الهام والحيوي في منظومة الغداء والاقتصاد الفلسطيني، ويمكن لأي متابع بسهولة أن يسجل بشكل يومي هذه الانتهاكات الإسرائيلية والتي تبدأ باستهداف الصيادين ومراكب الصيد، ومنع دخول أو تعطيل دخول الأدوات المساندة لعملية الصيد البحري وتطويره في قطاع غزة، وليس انتهاء بتقييد الوصول إلى مساحة الصيد المسموح بها حسب اتفاقية أوسلو والتي كانت قد وصلت إلى عشرين ميلاً بحرياً، أو حتى المساحة التي نص عليها اتفاق التهدئة عقب عدوان 2014 والتي كانت تسعة أميال بحرية لتصبح ستة أميال بحرية وتم تقليصها لاحقا لتصبح ثلاثة أميال فقط.
هذه الممارسات والاجراءات الإسرائيلية جعلت من هذا القطاع على شفا الانهيار، مما دفع العديد من المؤسسات المحلية والدولية للإسراع بدعم هذا القطاع خوفاً من انهياره التام. ربما من النافل قوله أن العديد من التمويل المقدم لهذا القطاع سواء على المستوى المحلي من خلال المؤسسات الأهلية الفلسطينية، أو على المستوى الاقليمي والدولي يأتي في إطار انعاش قطاع الصيد ومساعدته في التغلب على العقبات والتحديات التي تهدده وتستنزف قدراته يومياً، وغالبا ما تقع هذه المساعدات في الإطار الإغاثي، والتي تهدف بشكل أو بأخر لمنع وقوع الصيادين وأسرهم في دائرة الفقر المدقع، أما المشاريع التنموية والتي تهدف لتطوير قطاع الصيد تبقى في أغلب الاحيان رهينة السياسات الاسرائيلية دوما، والتي تمنع أي تغيير جذري وحقيقي في واقع قطاع الصيد الفلسطيني، مثل إعادة تأهيل ميناء غزة الدولي.
هدف الورقة:
تهدف إلى تحليل الإجراءات والسياسات والدور الذي تقوم به المؤسسات الرسمية، وغير الرسمية، والدولية، تجاه قطاع الصيد والثروة السمكية في قطاع غزة، في ضوء الانتهاكات الاسرائيلية المتكررة، وتقديم مقترحات سياساتية تهدف إلى النهوض بهذا القطاع فلسطينيا، ووقف الانتهاكات الاسرائيلية والتصدي لها.
المشكلة السياساتية
تطرح هذه الورقة المشكلة السياساتية التالية:
- ما هي السياسات التي ينبغي اتخادها من أجل توفر الحماية للصيادين في قطاع غزة؟
واقع وسياق قطاع الصيد الفلسطيني:
وتعتبر شريحة الصيادين واحدة من أكثر الشرائح تضرراً في الحالة الفلسطينية بفعل ممارسات قوات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي على مدار العام، مما جعل من ظروف الصيد غاية في الصعوبة، حيث تقيد إسرائيل دخول المواد اللازمة لإعادة تأهيل القوارب المتضررة من إطلاق النار أو الحوادث في البحر، ويضطر الصيادون إلى تعطيل القوارب المتضررة. أثرت القيود المختلفة بشكل عميق على عمل الصيادين وإمكانيات الربح في هذ القطاع. حيث انخفض عدد العاملين في مجال صيد الأسماك من حوالي 10,000 في عام 2000 إلى حوالي 3,600 في بداية عام 2020م حيث يشير تقرير مسح القوى العاملة الذي يصدره مركز الاحصاء الفلسطيني، أن نسبة البطالة بلغت في مجتمع الصيادين 37.4%، وأن ما نسبته 47.1% من شريحة الصيادين غير امنيين غذائيا، فيما المعرضين لانعدام الأمن الغذائي وصلت 11.7% . وأظهرت دراسة لتحديد احتياجات الصيادين أن الغذاء يتصدر قائمة احتياجات الصيادين في حين يأتي التعليم في المركز الأخير. حيث أظهرت الدراسة، أن 91.94% من الأسر ضمن مجتمع الصيادين تعيش تحت خط الفقر وأن 556.7% من أسر الصيادين تعيش في فقر مدقع في قطاع غزة.
بناءً على اتفاقية أوسلو التي تم توقيعها بين قوات الاحتلال الاسرائيلي والسلطة الوطنية تم تحديد مساحة الصيد حتى 20 ميل بحري، حيث قسمت اتفاقية أوسلو وملاحقها البحر أمام شاطئ غزة إلى ثلاثة مناطق نشاط بحري وأطلق عليها أحرف كرموز وهي مناطق M,L,K ,ويمكن وصف هذه المناطق وفقاً لما ورد في الاتفاقيات على النحو الآتي:
المنطقة (k) و المنطقة (M) : حيث أن المنطقة K تمتد إلى عشرين ميلا بحريا في البحر من الشاطئ في الجزء الشمالي من بحر غزة و إلى 5.1 ميل بحري اتساعاً في اتجاه الجنوب، في حين أن المنطقة M تمتد إلى عشرين ميلا بحريا في البحر من الشاطئ في الجزء الجنوبي من بحر غزة و إلى ميل بحري واحد " 1 " اتساعاً من المياه المصرية. وطبقاً للشروط في هذه الفقرة تكون منطقتا M وK منطقتين مغلقتين، وتكون الملاحة فيهما مقصورة على نشاط البحرية الإسرائيلية.
المنطقة (L) : لمنطقة L محددة من الجنوب بالمنطقة M ومن الشمال بالمنطقة K وتمتد عشرين ميلا بحرياً في البحر من الشاطئ، وتعتبر المنطقة L ستكون مفتوحة للصيد و النشاطات الترفيهية و الاقتصادية حسب البنود التالية: أولا : قوارب الصيد لن تخرج من المنطقة L إلى البحر المفتوح ويمكن أن تصل محركاتها إلى حدود قوة 25 حصان إذا كانت فوق سطح القارب وتصل إلى سرعة أقصاها 15 عقدة للمحركات الداخلية، ولن تحمل القوارب أسلحة أو ذخائر أو تصطاد باستعمال المتفجرات. ثانيا: قوارب الترفيه يصرح لها بالإبحار إلى مسافة ثلاثة أميال بحرية من الشاطئ ما لم تحصل في حالات خاصة على موافقة مركز التنسيق والتعاون البحري ، وقد تصل محركات القوارب البحرية إلى قوة 10 حصان ولن تدخل أو تعمل أي من الدراجات البحرية ذات المحركات أو النفاثات المائية في المنطقة L .
إلا أن قوات الاحتلال الاسرائيلي لم تلتزم ببنود الاتفاقية خصوصا ًمع اندلاع انتفاضة الأقصى في العام 2000م حيث قامت قوات الاحتلال بتقليص مساحة الصيد الى 12 ميل بحري، كإجراء عقاب جماعي حتى العام 2006، إلا أنها عادت وقلصت هذه المساحة عقب فرض الحصار الإسرائيلي بعد سيطرة حركة حماس على قطاع غزة، لتقلص المساحة ما بين 3-6 ميل بحري فقط، خلال العام 2019 ، قلّصت إسرائيل المساحة التي تسمح لقوارب الصيادين من غزة بالوصول إليها تسع مرّات، وفي أربع منها مُنع الإبحار كليًا، كما تلقّى صيّادو غزّة 19 بلاغًا خلال العام عن تغيير مناطق الصيد المتاحة والمسافات التي تسمح إسرائيل بالوصول إليها. وبحسب مؤسسات حقوقية ، فقد سُجّلت في النصف الأول من العام 2020م 171 حوادث إطلاق نار من قبل سلاح البحريّة على قوارب الصيّادين. أصيب جرّاء إطلاق النار 6 صيّادين، وأعتُقل 3 منهم، من بينهم قاصر. كذلك، تسبّبت البحريّة بأضرارٍ جسيمة بسبعة قوارب، وأُعطبت تمامًا معدّات صيد كثيرة واحتُجز قارب واحد.
وفي ظل هذا الواقع، تتعدد وتتنوع أشكال الانتهاكات الإسرائيلية ، ولا تتواني قوات الاحتلال عن استخدام كافة اشكال القوة والقمع لهذا القطاع الحيوي من خلال ما يلي:
- عدم التزام قوت الاحتلال الاسرائيلي بالاتفاقيات المعقودة مع الفلسطينيين اذ تفرض بالقوة حدود غير ثابتة.
- الاستهداف الصيادين من خلال إطلاق النار أو اعتقال الصيادين أو مصادرة وإغراق المراكب بشكل متعمد.
- عدم السماح بدخول قطع الغيار المطلوبة لتحسين وتأهيل مراكب الصيد، وما يحتاجه الصياد الفلسطيني من أدوات وآلات، وذلك بسبب الحصار الإسرائيلي وقائمة الممنوعات الإسرائيلية والتي تشمل أكثر من 72 صنف منوع إدخالها لغزة، وهو ما انعكس سلبا على حيوية القطاع، وأدى لتوقف العديد من الصيادين عن ممارسة مهنة الصيد.
- منع الاحتلال من تسويق ونقل وتصدير الاسماك الى الخارج وخصوصا إلى الضفة الغربية.
التشريعات الفلسطينية المتعلقة بقطاع الصيد والثورة السمكية:
لا زال قانون الزراعة للعام 2003 هو القانون المطبق في قطاع غزة، والذي ينص في المادة 73 على أن تعد الوزارة نظاما خاصا بالثروة السمكية يصدره مجلس الوزراء على أن يتضمن الأمور التالية: 1- تنظيم مهنة الصيد والتراخيص والرسوم اللازمة لذلك. 2- تنظيم استيراد وتصدير وتسويق الأسماك والكائنات البحرية الأخرى والاتجار بها. 3- تحديد مواصفات وشروط ترخيص مشاريع تربية الأسماك واستزراعها. 4- تحديد مواصفات شباك الصيد والأعلاف والعقاقير واللقاحات والهرمونات اللازمة لمكافحة أمراض الأسماك. 5- تحديد مواسم وأوقات الصيد البحري. كما تنص المادة (74) على أن لا يجوز طرح أية نفايات صلبة أو سائلة أو مياه عادمة في مياه الصيد الفلسطينية أو أخذ الرمال أو اقتلاع الصخور من السواحل أو تغيير طبيعة قاع البحر. والمادة (75) التي تنص على أن لا يجوز استخدام الجرافات الشاطئية أو نصب شباك الصيد على مسافة أقل من مائة متر من الشاطئ إلا بإذن من الوزير. وعلى الرغم من إصدار الرئيس الفلسطيني قرار بقانون رقم (14) لسنة 2018م بشأن تعديل قانون الزراعة رقم (2) لسنة 2003م إلا أن هذا القرار ليس مطبقا في قطاع غزة، بسبب الانقسام.
ويوكل إلى الادارة العامة للثروة السمكية، مهام تطبيق هذا القانون، وهي الجهة المختصة والمسؤولة والمخولة عن تامين الاستفادة القصوى من الموارد السمكية من خلال الجرعات التطويرية لهدا القطاع والعمل على تطوير أنظمة الاستزراع السمكي وادخال انواع جديدة من الاسماك للتربية والاستزراع ومتابعة ترخيص الصيادين وحركة المراكب والاشراف على استدامة انشطة الصيد وحسن استخدام الثروة السمكية من خلال تحديد طرق الصيد واوقاته والادوات المستخدمة في الصيد، والمساهمة في عملية الامن الغذائي الوطني. وتعتبر وزارة الزراعة في قطاع غزة من أقل الوزرات من حيث نسبتها من الموازنة على صعيد السلطة الفلسطينية، وعلى صعيد النظام القائم في قطاع غزة أيضا.
ويلاحظ، أن الواقع المزري لقطاع الصيد والثورة السمكية الفلسطيني، قد ألقى بظلاله على حسن تطبيق التشريعات والقوانين، فحتى هذه اللحظة لا يوجد نظام للتأمين على مراكب الصيد، كما لا يتم تطبيق التعليمات المعلقة بحجم ونوع شباك الصيد، اذ يستخدم البعض شباك وطرق صيد غير قانونية، بالإضافة إلى انتشار ظاهرة الصيد دون ترخيص واستخدام اساليب غير قانونية. كما أدى عدم وجود ميناء بحسب المعايير الدولية المتبعة في إنشاء موانئ الصيد، إلى الانتشار العشوائي لمراكب الصيد على طول الشاطئ، وجود اعداد كبيرة من المراكب ضمن المساحة الضيفة المسموح بها بالصيد، كل ذلك يأتي في ظل قيام بلديات الساحل بألقاء المياه العادمة داخل البحر مما ادى الى تلوث مياه البحر.
في ضوء ما تقدم، تطرح هذه الورقة الخيارات السياساتية التالية للجهات الفلسطينية والدولية ذات العلاقة، في محاولة منها لوضع بدائل وطرح اقتراحات للمساعدة في خلق سياسات داعمة للصيادين الفلسطينيين ، وتفترض هذه الورقة أن الأطروحات التي ستقدمها يمكن العمل بها بالتزامن، حتى تنتج أثرها بشكل فعّال خلال فترة زمنية معقولة
البديل الأول: تدويل قضية الصيادين وطرحها أمام الجهات الدولية.
في ضوء أن القانون الدولي، والاتفاقيات الموقعة مع الاحتلال لاسيمّا اتفاقية أوسلو، تسمح بمساحات صيد أوسع للصيادين في قطاع غزة، فإن هذا البديل يتمتع بالمشروعية القانونية والدولية، لذا فإنه من المهم أن تبدأ السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية في الضغط عبر الأمم المتحدة، وأجهزتها الأممية على حكومة الاحتلال لوضع حد للانتهاكات الواقعة على الصيادين، والالتزام بتطبيق القانون الدولي الإنساني. و الطلب من المقررين الخاصين للاتفاقيات الموقعة من قبل الاحتلال الاسرائيلي على الضغط على دولة الاحتلال باحترام والالتزام بمواد الاتفاقيات التي وقعت عليها، ومحاسبتها على خرقها المستمر لهذه الاتفاقيات، خاصة العهدين الدوليين، والعمل على إثارة الانتهاكات الواقعة على الصيادين لدى المقررين الخاصين وأجسام وآليات الأمم المتحدة الأخرى، بما في ذلك لدى الأمين العام ومجلس حقوق الإنسان ومجلس الأمن.
البديل الثاني: تمكين الصيادين الفلسطينيين عبر اتخاذ سياسات وإجراءات توفر لهم الحماية.
انشأت السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية، بموجب أحكام القرار بقانون رقم (12) لسنة 2013م، صندوق مستقل متخصص بالتعويضات عن الكوارث الطبيعية والتأمينات الزراعية بكافة أشكالها، ويسمى صندوق درء المخاطر والتأمينات الزراعية الفلسطيني، ولا يزال هذا القانون قاصرا في تعامله مع قطاع الصيد من جهة، ومع قطاع غزة بسبب ظروف الانقسام السياسي من جهة أخرى. إن تمكين الصيادين الفلسطينيين يبدأ من خلال ضم قطاع الصيد للخدمات التي يقدمها الصندوق، خاصة فيما يتعلق بالتأمينات، والتعويض عن أضرار تقلّبات الجوية والعواصف.
البديل الثالث: إعادة تأهيل وبناء ميناء غزة الدولي.
في الوقت الحالي يعتمد قطاع غزة على ميناء أسدود الاسرائيلي في النقل البحري، على الرغم من أن السطلة الوطنية الفلسطينية قد قطعت شوطا طويلا في إنشاء ميناء غزة البحري، حيث أنشأت السلطة سلطة الموانئ عام 2000م بعد جولات من المفاوضات مع الجانب الاسرائيلي بناء على اتفاقية أوسلو 1993م ، واتفاق شرم الشيخ 1999م الذين تم الاتفاق خلالهما على وجود ميناء فلسطيني، مع وجود تعهد فرنسي وهولندي بتأسيس الميناء بقيمة 96 مليون دولار أمريكي، إلا أن الميناء لم يتم تنفيذ سوى عدة أجزاء من مخطط بناءه الذي لم يكتمل حتى اللحظة، وبالتالي فإن عدم استكمال هذا الميناء ألقى بظلاله على واقع الصيادين، وبالتالي فإن إستكمال بناء الميناء هو في صميم تمكين قطاع الصيد الفلسطيني، حيث سيمكن ذلك الصيادين من بناء مراكب صيد أكبر في حوض يتسع لهذا النوع من المراكب.
تأتي هذه الورقة ضمن أنشطة مشروع "الشباب الفلسطيني كمدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان" ، و أن الاتحاد الأوروبي غير مسؤول عما ورد بها من معلومات.
Fact Sheet: Violation of Palestinian Fisherman’s Rights by the Israeli Occupation in the Gaza Strip
Date posted: July 07, 2021
By MIFTAH
- In 1997, there were more than 10,000 Palestinians working in the fishing sector. However, in 2019, there were only 5,606 workers in this sector, including 3,606 fishermen.
- The distribution of Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip is as follows: 7% in Northern Gaza Strip, 45% in Gaza City, 17% in Al-Wusta governorate (i.e., Deir Al-Balah governorate), 19% in Khan Younis governorate, and 12% in Rafah governorate.
- The number of fishing boats in the Gaza Strip is only 1,261.
- According to Oslo II Accords signed in 1995 between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, the fishermen of Gaza have the right to access fishing areas up to 20 nautical miles from the coast.
- In 2020, there were 308 incidents of gunfire shooting by the Israeli Navy on fishing boats coming from Gaza. In the same year, 10 fishermen were arrested and 12 were injured, along with confiscating 4 boats and sabotaging fishermen’s equipment in 12 incidents.
Type of Violation in the Gaza Strip Number of Violations in 2020 Number of Violations in 2019 Violation incidents 309 351 Cases of gunfire shooting 308 347 Number of detainees 10 35 Number of injuries 12 16 Number of confiscated boats 4 15 Number of cases of sabotaging fishing equipment/boats 12 11 - The permitted fishing areas for Palestinian fishermen are up to 6 nautical miles in the governorates of Gaza and Northern Gaza and around 9-15 nautical miles in the governorates of Al-Wusta, Khan Younis and Rafah (south of Gaza Strip). Also, there is one nautical mile in which maritime activity is prohibited and which is parallel to the southern water borders of the Gaza Strip, as well as 1.5 nautical miles of prohibited maritime activity parallel to the northern water fence. These prohibitions deprive Gaza’s fishermen of accessing fishing areas that have diverse kinds of fish. It should also be noted that Israel’s reduction and increase of “permitted” fishing areas are below the limits set forth by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and violates the Oslo Accords signed by Palestinian and Israeli parties. Not less importantly, the average number of days in which sea access is closed for Gaza’s fishermen is between 10-15 days each month.
Implications of Violating Fishermen’s Rights in the Gaza Strip
Israel’s illegal curtailment of permitted fishing areas and denying the entry of fishing tools and equipment have serious implications for the Gaza Strip. For example, the number of Palestinian fishermen plummeted by 73% in a 20-year period. Israel’s policy of closures and denial of entry of fishing equipment caused a drastic reduction in the number of fishing boats in Gaza. These violations also led to lower economic returns due to smaller quantities of fish that are caught in the confined fishing areas. This forced many fishermen to use certain types of smaller nets to increase the quantities of fish that are caught in the permitted areas, thus leading to negative effects on the maritime environment.
Recommendations:
At the Level of the Palestinian Authority:
- This paper recommends that the Palestinian Authority would call upon international organizations (including the Human Rights Council) to consider the issue of Palestinian fishermen as a top priority. The paper also urges the Palestinian Authority to exert diplomatic efforts and run international advocacy campaigns to highlight the suffering of Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip.
- The budget of the Ministry of Agriculture is estimated at 0.65% of the total Palestinian general budget. Also, no fair portion of this budget is allocated for Gaza’s fishermen as a result of the Palestinian division. Hence, this paper calls for increasing the share of the Ministry of Agriculture from the general budget in light of the structural misdistribution of percentages on ministries. We also recommend unifying the work of the Ministry of Agriculture in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in consolidated programs to enable Gaza’s fishermen to benefit from the services provided by the Ministry.
- The construction and restoration of the Gaza International Port are essential for empowering and reviving the Palestinian fishing sector. Therefore, the paper recommends raising the issue of building and expanding the Gaza International Port, in accordance with international standards and in conformity with international agreements signed by the Palestinian Authority and Israel vis-à-vis Gaza’s maritime access points.
At the International Level:
- The maritime blockade of the Gaza Strip and restricting the movement of Palestinian fishermen are considered a flagrant violation of International Humanitarian Law. Consequently, relevant international bodies – including the United Nations – must take all necessary measures to condemn and stop these violations and compensate Palestinian fishermen for the material and moral losses emanating from Israel’s systematic violations.
- International support for the agricultural sector is still at its minimum. For example, the current support does not exceed 15 million U.S. Dollars per year, which is very modest compared to other sectors supported by donors (such as the local government sector, infrastructure, relief, etc.). Therefore, the paper calls upon donor countries to augment the funding of programs for capacity building and empowerment of Palestinian fishermen.
To View the Full Factsheet as PDF
This factsheet was prepared as part of the “Youth as Human Right Defenders” project funded by the European Union The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH
Healthcare Restricted: Female Cancer Patients in Gaza
Date posted: June 07, 2023
By MIFTAH
Background:
The Israeli-imposed siege and the frequent aggressions targeting medical facilities in Gaza have debilitated the health sector and its capacity to provide proper medical services. This is exacerbated in cases of chronic diseases, which gives rise to a need to leave the Gaza Strip to receive medical treatment in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, or elsewhere. However, Israel imposes a strict and discriminatory permit regime, which has a disproportionate impact on medical patients given their conditions, and it is not unusual for these permits to be significantly delayed or ultimately refused by Israel.
The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) collected questionnaires from 102 women diagnosed with cancer in the Gaza Strip to assess the quality of the treatment, availability of equipment, accessibility, and referral process.
The full report is accessible here.
Conclusion and recommendations:
The 16-year-long Israeli-imposed blockade and closure on Gaza have had detrimental impacts on the health sector in the besieged Strip. Specifically, the siege has compromised the ability of the healthcare sector to deliver proper medical services due to the absence of crucial medication, equipment, and supplies under flimsy security pretexts. Ultimately, frequent aggressions and targeting of health facilities and the Israeli-imposed siege on Gaza compromise the availability, accessibility, and quality of healthcare services available to Palestinians in Gaza.
MIFTAH urges the international community to:
- Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;
- Exert pressure to lift the blockade on the Gaza Strip and allow for the free movement of people and goods;
- Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;
- Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.
The summary factsheet is accessible here.
Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill
Date posted: May 17, 2023
By MIFTAH
The legislation of the family protection bill is aimed at the protection of the family itself as an institution, and to guarantee its preservation. Palestinian legislators are aware of the importance of this bill, which is why all ministries and official institutions committed to developing its relevant programs, policies and plans, each according to their field of expertise. Their goal is to contribute to the promotion of a culture that combats domestic violence and encourages the response of public policies to this objective, through education, health, legislation and the media. Another objective is to track the bill’s impact and periodically assess it in cooperation with other civil societies. This paper focuses on some of the financial indicators pertaining to this bill.
All family members in Palestine are subjected to violence, including children, minors, women and men. However, married women remain the sector most vulnerable to domestic violence according to a 2019 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics survey. It said 29.4% of married women had been subjected to at least one type of violence by their husbands as opposed to 13% of men who had been subjected to violence by their wives, by their own confession. A total of 44.7% of individuals who have never been married have been subjected toviolence;7.6% of the elderly and 44.2% of children(12-17yearsold) were the victims of violence at the hands of one of their parents. Although a high percentage of women have been victims of violence from their spouse, a considerable percentage of these women, around 60.3% preferred to stay silent about the assault. Only a small percentage of women asked for help through official avenues; 2.9% went to a defence lawyer to file a lawsuit against their husbands, 1.3% went to the police or a family protection unit and 1.4% went to the centres for mental, social and legal aid.
Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill
| Article of Bill/Law by Decree | Relevant party | Estimated cost |
| Article(4) specialization of Ministry of Social Development: The Ministry, in cooperation with government and civil society organizations, provide the following services to victims of domestic violence: 1.Protection and fulfilment of needs of the victim; economically and socially empowering her and reintegrating her in society in order to preserve the family fabric, while ensuring not to equate the victim with the perpetrator. 2.Appointing protection counsellors in all directorates and qualifying them to deal with domestic violence cases 3.Providingsocial, psychological and legal experts to provide victim support 4.Ensuringthe provision of social, psychological, health and legal services to domestic violence victims in coordination with relevant parties. 5.Preparing rehabilitation programs for perpetrators of domestic violence crimes 6.Coordination and cooperation with government and civil society organizations to provide the necessary training for the enforcers of this law by decree. Preparing the necessary preventative plans and programs against domestic violence |
Ministry of Social Development | ILS12 million over 3 years on average of ILS4 million year, based on a study prepared by the Ministry of Social Development |
| Article 6: Family and Minors Protection Police: In accordance with the provisions of this bill/law by decree, a family and minor protection police will be established, with branches set up in all districts of the homeland. It’s specializations are the following: 1.Goingtothe place of the domestic violence incident when the informer states that the violence has occurred, is about to occur is ongoing; or in case of violation of a restraining order, even if the informer is not the victim 2.Providingfree 24-hourhotlinestohelp victims |
Palestinian police and Family and Minors Protection Department
Reform and Rehabilitation Centres Department |
ILS7.3 million/year (the study is based on the number of those working in the family and minors protection department and their mean salary)
ILS1.3 million/year (the study is based on the number of those working in reform and rehabilitation enters, which includes special sections for women boarders) |
| Article7: Family Protection Prosecution 1.In accordance with the provision of this bill/law by decree, a prosecution’s office will be established to follow up on domestic violence cases in all districts and will operate under the supervision of the Attorney General in accordance with penal measures in force. 2. This family protection prosecution office will promptly investigate domestic violence incidents while also preserving the privacy and dignity of the victim |
Family Protection Prosecution | ILS1.7 million, based on the number of relevant prosecution agents and their mean salaries |
| Article10: parties qualified to issue restraining orders 1.Restrainingorders will be issued by the following parties of their own accord: a. Family Protection Prosecution b. The presiding judge |
Presiding judges | ILS1.9 million, based on the number of judges and their mean salaries |
| Total expected estimated cost | ILS16.2 million |
The table above shows that the estimated and main additional cost of the Ministry of Social Development to be around ILS4 million a year, considering that the other parties (police, prosecution and courts) are currently carrying out their roles without fully allocating specialized departments for protection from violence. However, if these parties do allot specialized departments for protection from violence, overall costs will reach approximately ILS16.2 million. Nonetheless, even if this cost is incurred, it still only comprises a small part of public expenditures, approximately 0.1%. Overall public expenditures for 2022 amount to approximately ILS16.2 billion, which means the cost of passing this bill and implementing its provisions will not constitute financial burden on the general budget and will not be an obstacle to ratifying the law by decree.
Furthermore, it should be noted that while it is imperative to calculate some of the costs resulting from violence against women, the reaerate the high costs as well. The secret social costs, which impact society as a whole. Data from the Ministry of Social Development showed (see graph), that violence exercised against women has prompted around 60% of them to flee their homes. Also, 18% of them attempted suicide in addition to suffering from mental and physical illnesses, unwanted pregnancies or others. Calculating expenses incurred from violence is not an easy process and there are no national data or figures that can measure the impact violence has on the state’s general budget due to the prevalent mentality towards violence as an issue associated only with women. This is especially true when the conversation is about the indirect and intangible effects of violence, including:
Violations of human rights; negative social, economic and political impacts; working women who get sick and need to take sick leave; lack of focus and productivity; impact of violence on children and academic failure; the rise in the percentage of school dropouts among children; the rise in long-term unemployment rates; the percentage of homeless children who become a burden on society; government expenditures for medical treatment; safehouses; therapy; monitoring cases of violence against women; individual expenses for following up on legal cases and lawyer fees; loss of income because of repeated absence from work or inefficacy; social expenses resulting from the breakup of the family; expenses of training individuals on how to deal with cases of violence; expenses for issuing laws and legislation on the protection of women from violence.
Confirmation of the above is that the UN believes the economic, social and health costs of violence against women are, to a large extent, undocumented and unrecognized. However, these remain colossal, according to researchers, specialists and defenders of women’s rights.
To view the full factsheet as PDF
Israeli state-sanctioned settler terrorism: A gendered lens
Date posted: April 26, 2023
By MIFTAH
Background:
The illegal Israeli settlement project, including settler-only bypass roads, military checkpoints, and the annexation wall, continues to expand and steal more Palestinian land and resources. As of today, the number of illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, is close to 300, with around 750,000 Jewish settlers residing in them.
Israeli state-sanctioned settler terrorism against Palestinian civilians and property is prevalent and has been on the rise in recent years. Violence takes the form of psychological, physical, and verbal violence, including beating, throwing stones or sharp tools, intimidation, shooting, verbal assaults, and assaults on agricultural lands, cars, and homes. Such attacks are committed in the presence of Israeli occupation forces who often join them.
The high frequency of these forms of violence and their persistence give rise to psychological, physical, and material harm. Palestinian survivors of settler terrorism seldom press charges and file complaints against Israeli settlers given the complicity of the Israeli law enforcement system.
The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) and the Women’s Center for Legal and Counseling (WCLAC) collected questionnaires from 229 Palestinian women covering settler violence in the occupied West Bank governorates of Al-Khalil/Hebron, Bethlehem, and Jerusalem.
MIFTAH calls on the international community to:
Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;
Stop all relations and trade with illegal Israeli settlements including international companies that profit from them;
Criminalize and blacklist Israeli settler groups that engage in terrorist activities and hold those with dual citizenship accountable in their respective states;
Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;
Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.
