There is, arguably, a consistent pattern of Israeli thirst for diplomacy following any given period of increased hostility with its Arab neighbours, particularly one in which humiliation and substantial losses are inflicted on the Jewish state. Israel's reckless war of aggression against Lebanese civilians in July and August seems to have re-awakened this short-sighted and confused Israeli interpretation of history and international relations.

Israeli Foreign Minister, Tzipi Livni, publicly stated yesterday that the time may have come for Israel to start talking to the Palestinians; to President Mahmoud Abbas. She has even toned down earlier remarks by Israeli Deputy Prime Minister, Shimon Peres, that a summit between Israeli premier Ehud Olmert and Abbas would only take place if Gil'ad Shalit, the Israeli soldier captured by Palestinian activists last June 25th, is released.

Livni's milder position clearly indicated that Israel should be willing to meet with Abbas without any particular conditions. "In relation to a meeting with Abu Mazen, I do not think there need to be any conditions," she said, albeit adding that without the release of Gil'ad Shalit, Abbas should expect no tangible results from the meeting; supposedly, such as the ease of restrictions on crossing points, the freezing or de-escalation of Israeli military assaults against the Palestinians, and most notably, the release of some Palestinian political prisoners from Israeli jails.

In full harmony (and possibly in full coordination) with Israel's "new-found respect" for dialogue, as opposed to its familiar pattern of sheer militarism and brute force, key international players have intensified their own diplomatic efforts in both Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. British Prime Minister Tony Blair is expected to meet with Abbas in Ramallah tomorrow, in what appears to be a calculated attempt at defusing some of the anti-British (anti-Blair) Arab and Muslim fury following Downing Street's role in procrastinating any attempt to reach a ceasefire during the war against Lebanon (the consequences of which resulted in Israel's killing of even more innocent Lebanese civilians).

In addition to several visits by middle and high-ranking foreign dignitaries to Ramallah in the past couple of weeks, Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, and his German counterpart Frank-Walter Steinmeier both met with Abbas yesterday (separately). These days, Ramallah's already chaotic village-tailored streets (naturally unprepared for mass traffic) are bustling with VIP convoys and (quite frankly, annoying and intrusive) Palestinian security personnel, ostensibly mobilised for maintaining "public order" during official meetings in town. Where is it all leading us to?

Absolutely nowhere, if not deeper into humiliation, strangulation, isolation, and defeatism.

The common denominator between the foreign policies of key Middle East actors, from Washington DC to London, from Berlin to Moscow, is a continued lack of will and vision to address the root causes of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, hence the international community's inherent inability to transcend the 6-year deadlock in Palestinian-Israeli relations (since the outbreak of the second Intifada in September 2000).

The international community's endless failures to play a conducive role in putting an end to the conflict is embodied essentially in its apparent persistence to avoid any genuine discussion, logic, strategy, and solution that is based on ending Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories captured in the June 1967 war, which is universally deemed illegal, immoral, and in contradiction to a shared global vision for peace and security. They are willing to do almost anything to steer away from holding Israel accountable before its legal and political obligations under international law.

Instead of engaging Israel in constructive dialogue to stop its excessive use of military force against civilians, ease its restrictions on the movement of people and goods within the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and end the fragmentation of what is left of the Palestinian territories, the VIPs continue to limit their discourse to generalities and rhetoric, and sometimes tactical solutions to pressing problems (such as the re-opening of Rafah crossing or the unblocking of Palestinian tax revenues held by Israel, or whatever adds any headline material to their otherwise shallow visits).

Ironically, it is such failed diplomacy which seems to merely create new means of managing Israel's illegal occupation, and even prolonging it.

Rami Bathish is director of the Media and Information Programme at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). He can be contacted at mip@miftah.org