The water conflict in the Middle East is not only a question of political, economic, and strategic gains; it is essentially a question of survival.

Scarcity of water and the issue of water rights and resources are rapidly becoming the major issues determining the future of the peace process and the region as a whole.

From the beginning, a major motivation for Israel, both in its military and political strategy, has been the control of as much of the region’s water sources and resources as possible.

Since the dawn of the occupation of June 1967, the Palestinian people have been automatically sentenced to a “parched life”. Israel has forcibly controlled all the water resources of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Furthermore, as an occupying power Israel utilises more than 85% of the water resources, thus leaving the Palestinian population with a mere 15% for survival.

Israel was able to monopolise the water resources of the Occupied Territories through the mechanisms of Mekorot; a private Israeli water company operating on behalf of the government. The outcome is, predictably, a discriminatory policy against the Palestinian population.

A rapid glance at the annual water use per capita in three countries in the region highlights an alarming and unacceptable discrepancy. While Israelis enjoy 344m3 per capita, Jordanians are limited to 244m3 each, and Palestinians have to survive on 93m3. In terms of domestic usage, the average Palestinian is limited to 39-50 litres per capita per day, while Israelis are privileged with more than 220 litres per capita per day.

There are three main sources of “renewable” water in the Occupied Territories that the Palestinians could rely on; namely groundwater (of which some 87% is utilised by Israel), surface water, and the Jordan Valley basin (both of which the Palestinians are currently deprived of utilising).

The amount of water at the disposal of the Palestinian territories is only one third of the amount required to meet basic survival and sanitation needs. Instead of the desired amount of 150 litres daily per person, Palestinians have to make do with only 50-85 litres and an ongoing severe shortage of running water. In contrast, in the surrounding Jewish settlements each settler is provided with 280 to 300 litres daily. The settlers’ unlimited quantity of running water has served to fill swimming pools and to water ornamental lawns.

In the meantime, Palestinians have become increasingly unable to use water for irrigation, or even to water backyard family vegetable plots. Agriculture, as the major Palestinian source of income, has been devastated.

In Palestinian economy, agriculture provides 33% of the GDP, employs 14 of the workforce, and accounts for 64% of the total amount of water used. In Israel, agriculture accounts for less than 3% of the GDP, 4% of the workforce and 57% of the total water used.

An alarming observation is witnessed by comparing the availability of water to the Palestinians against their actual needs. The Palestinian Water Authority confirms that the Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza Strip need at least 116m³ million/year (MCM/year) for domestic use and an additional 80 MCM/year in order to recover the aquifer in the Gaza Strip; instead, they are restricted to 92 MCM and 150 MCM respectively.

Projections of future water requirements for the Palestinian population are equally alarming; taking into consideration the current availability of water resources. The required amounts for the year 2010 are estimated at 228 MCM for domestic use, 200 MCM for agricultural use, and 25 MCM for industrial use.

The sense of inequality is further amplified by the availability of water services to the Palestinians; particularly the communities of the West Bank. Recent figures from the Palestinian Water Authority confirm that only 50% of the Palestinian communities in the West Bank are served with water networks.

In the Gaza Strip, 80% of the population is supplied with water; however, this service is almost always irregular, unreliable, and extremely poor in quality.

In Hebron, where a Jewish settler population was planted in and around the city, it is estimated that 70% of the water in Hebron goes to an estimated 8,500 settlers and 30% goes to the city's 250,000 Palestinian inhabitants. In the Gaza Strip, 3,000 to 4,000 settlers use 75% of the available ground water while around one million Palestinians use less than 25%.

In the Gaza Strip, where water is significantly overwhelmed by qualitative and quantitative problems, it is estimated that one million Palestinians have to make do with 25% of the available ground water, while the remaining amount goes to a settler population of 3,000 to 4,000.

The water table in Gaza has been drastically decreased, sinking to below sea level, thus becoming contaminated to the degree that it has become unfit for human consumption. It is also rapidly becoming unsuitable for irrigation purposes, unless drastic measures are immediately adopted.

The general Israeli position on the water issue has, so far, been vague and misleading. Israel maintains that there are no real water resources to be compromised for peace; Palestinian efforts to find a solution with Israel over water issues are often stalemated by the latter’s insistence that the only real options for the Palestinians are either “desalination” or imported water from neighbouring countries.

Both alternatives for utilising existing water resources (i.e. imported water and desalination) are understandably unacceptable for the Palestinians. It has been argued by the Palestinians that Israel cannot deprive them from utilising existing water resources purely on the grounds that such resources are “scarce”. In other words, if Israel can use these resources, then, under any final agreement, Palestine should receive its equal share. In addition, the costs for desalination are too high; the option does not, in any case, constitute a valid alternative.

During negotiations, the Israelis refused to discuss water rights and confined the talks to water usage, thus perpetuating the hardships and prejudicial conditions through the transitional phase. The issue of water rights was postponed to permanent status talks, with no assurances whatsoever.

The Taba (interim) Agreement supposedly sought to improve the water situation of the Palestinians by increasing their water supply. Even that, however, was not honoured in the implementation, and Palestinians continue to suffer from a severe shortage.

More significantly, the Agreement maintained the previous conditions of inequality. Thus the blatant discrimination between the large indigenous Palestinian population and transplanted Israeli settler groups was allowed to persist.

In the areas under its civil control, the Palestinian National Authority has been made responsible for the distribution of water and for the collection of payments. It does not have the power to dig new wells or to utilize the existing aquifers, has no control over the Israeli water system that passes through its territories, and is not authorized to develop additional water sources.

On this vital issue, Israel remains in grave violation of the Hague Regulations, the Fourth Geneva Convention, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

It is also responsible for undermining the peace process and creating conditions that perpetuate regional hostility and distrust. When it comes to water, it is the survival not only of the peace process, but also of the whole region that is at stake. Israel must not be allowed to continue to hold the fate of millions hostage to its irresponsible, short sighted and illegal policies of greed and discrimination.