Executive Summary

On February 15, the government of Israel approved a process to register land in the occupied West Bank as Israeli “state property.” The decision builds on a cabinet resolution introduced in May of 2025 that established the framework for renewed land settlement proceedings on Palestinian land.

Implemented for the first time since Israel’s occupation of the West Bank in 1967, this process enables Israeli authorities to declare land ‘state property’ when Palestinian ownership cannot be formally proven; a standard difficult for many Palestinians to meet. Even when landownership can be met, expropriative policies such as the Absentee Property Law allows Israel to confiscate Palestinian property and sell it to Israelis. A total of NIS 244.1 million has been allocated for this program, which has been stated to continue for decades. Israeli Government Resolution No. 3559 sets a first-phase objective of registering 15% of previously unregulated land within five years. [1]

This development follows the Israeli cabinet’s February 8th approval of a series of measures that expand Israeli control over land administration and acquisition in the West Bank, undermining the Palestinian Authority (PA) and amounting to de facto annexation. The details of the measures have not been released to the public, only communicated through a press release by government ministers.

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Introduction

Palestinian women in Gaza are subjected to overlapping forms of violence by Israel that converge into a single, coherent structure of domination. Starvation, sexual and gender-based violence, and reproductive violence do not occur as isolated abuses, but as an interlocking system enacted simultaneously and reinforcing one another. These practices operate across psychological, social, and biological dimensions of harm. While Palestinian women’s bodies are the immediate site of this violence, its intended target is Palestinian society as a whole. By systematically targeting women, Israel undermines collective survival, erodes social cohesion, and attacks the continuity of Palestinian life itself. Taken together, these practices constitute a gendered architecture of genocide that must be recognized and addressed as such.

The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) has documented these three crimes throughout Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Firsthand testimonies collected from the Gaza Strip and the occupied West Bank reveal the distinctly gendered impacts of these violations and their cumulative effects on Palestinian women.

I. Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Sexual and gender-based violence is systematically instrumentalized by Israel as a means of humiliating and isolating Palestinian women while dismantling family and community bonds. These violations should not be understood as isolated or aberrational incidents, but rather as part of a broader historical pattern in which sexual violence has been deployed as a tool of terror and social control against the Palestinian population.

Historical records document that during the 1948 ethnic cleansing of historic Palestine, Zionist paramilitary forces including the Haganah engaged in acts of sexual violence alongside mass killings and expulsions of Palestinians. The Haganah later became the institutional foundation of the contemporary Israeli military. This historical continuity underscores how sexual violence has long functioned as a weapon of war, embedded within military practices aimed at terrorizing civilians and facilitating population displacement.

Testimonies collected by MIFTAH fieldworkers across the West Bank and Gaza Strip reveal recurring patterns. Arrests conducted in family homes routinely transform domestic spaces into sites of domination. Soldiers storm houses, often in the middle of the night, restrain family members, destroy personal belongings, steal valuables, and dictate all movement within the home. Male relatives are frequently forced to witness or participate in the abuse of female family members, a tactic designed to emasculate men and dismantle the household from within.

Sexual violence also functions as a form of psychological torture in Israeli detention and interrogation settings. Alongside sleep deprivation, starvation, and physical assault, sexual violence is deliberately employed to induce psychological breakdown and assert total control. Testimonies describe forced strip searches, removal of hijabs, invasive bodily touching, slut-shaming, and explicit threats of rape against detainees or their relatives . Testimonies collected by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) describe in detail the systematic use of secual torture in Israeil detention settings. Sexual violence is further enacted through blackmail, including the use of nude or indecent photographs taken during interrogation to coerce compliance or enforce silence. These practices aim to strip women of dignity, break them psychologically prior to or during interrogation, and inflict lasting harm that weakens their sense of self long after release.

The full extent of sexual violence against Palestinian women today remains difficult to quantify, as survivors rarely disclose sexual assault or rape causing underreporting to be widespread. This silence reflects structural, legal, and social barriers rather than the absence of abuse. Palestinian survivors of violence perpetrated by Israeli soldiers or settlers seldom pursue legal avenues due to the well-documented lack of accountability within Israeli law enforcement mechanisms, where investigations rarely result in prosecution or redress .

Social stigma also plays a role in silencing survivors. In a predominantly conservative social context, sexual violence carries stigma that extends beyond the survivor to her family and community. Israeli forces exploit this reality deliberately, using sexual violence and threats to women’s “honor” as mechanisms of coercion, intimidation, and social fragmentation. In this way, sexual violence operates not only as an assault on individual women, but as a strategic instrument of collective harm.

II. Reproductive Violence

Reproductive violence targets women’s capacity to give life through the systematic destruction of healthcare systems, maternity services, and the material conditions necessary for survival. It refers to deliberate actions intended to impair an entire population’s ability to reproduce and sustain itself. In Gaza, reproductive violence is not incidental to armed conflict; it is enacted through policy-driven destruction that reflects intentionality rather than collateral harm.

This violence is carried out through the systematic targeting of life-sustaining infrastructure, including hospitals, maternity wards, neonatal units, fertility clinics, and embryo preservation centers, as well as the blockade of medicines, medical equipment, and hygiene supplies. The consequences are visible in rising maternal mortality, increased miscarriages linked to malnutrition and extreme stress, untreated reproductive infections, and the repeated displacement of pregnant women seeking care within a collapsing healthcare system .

These measures directly undermine women’s ability to safely conceive, carry pregnancies to term, give birth, and raise children. Women’s reproductive health is further compromised by the deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid and the collapse of sanitation and water infrastructure. The destruction of healthcare facilities, combined with ongoing bombardment and repeated displacement, has rendered movement dangerous and unpredictable, making access to medical care nearly impossible and severely limiting the ability of humanitarian organizations to provide reproductive and maternal health services.

As a result, there has been a sharp increase in preventable reproductive health complications. Women report rising cases of fever linked to untreated vaginal infections caused by inadequate hygiene and the absence of feminine hygiene products, as well as unnecessary hysterectomies . Women using intrauterine devices experience prolonged bleeding and infections due to unsanitary living conditions, yet no options for safe removal currently exist in Gaza, posing serious long-term risks to reproductive health and bodily integrity . Women have also been forced to undergo emergency hysterectomies to control excessive post- partum bleeding that could not be managed due to the lack of healthcare.

Reproductive violence in Gaza is therefore both biological and symbolic. It constitutes an assault on the present population and on the possibility of future generations. The objective of preventing Palestinian continuity is further evidenced by the sustained and disproportionate killing of children, who have consistently been the most targeted demographic group throughout the genocide. This killing is reinforced by an ideological framework that dehumanizes Palestinian women and children. Public statements by Israeli political and military officials have repeatedly framed the killing of women and children as militarily justified . Within this logic, women are targeted not for their actions, but for their reproductive capacity and their role in sustaining Palestinian continuity. Such rhetoric has informed and legitimized military operations in Gaza. Throughout the genocide, civilian spaces including schools, homes, and hospitals, have been deliberately targeted as a matter of state policy. These are precisely the spaces where women and children sought refuge. The systematic killing and endangerment of women and children is not a secondary effect of warfare but a central component of the broader genocidal strategy.

III. Starvation as a Weapon of Genocide

Another grave factor to the reproductive health of women in Gaza has been starvation. Prolonged malnutrition, combined with physical exhaustion, repeated displacement, and lack of healthcare infrastructure, have contributed to increased miscarriages, loss of amniotic fluid, and heightened maternal mortality . Numerous women have reported using prenatal supplements distributed by humanitarian organizations as meal substitutes for themselves or their families, or exchanging them for food and essential supplies. Breastfeeding has become increasingly difficult due to suppressed milk production associated with undernourishment, while infant formula remains largely inaccessible, placing newborns at heightened risk. Chronic stress and nutritional deprivation have also resulted in amenorrhea, fertility complications, and potential long-term reproductive harm.

For women in Gaza, starvation functions not only as a form of biological deprivation but as a structural assault on familial roles, social reproduction, and dignity. It undermines women’s capacity to fulfill caregiving responsibilities, destabilizes family life, and produces severe physical, reproductive, and psychological consequences. Women disproportionately experience the embodied impacts of hunger while simultaneously carrying the emotional labor associated with sustaining children and dependent family members.

Testimonies collected by MIFTAH from displaced women subjected to Israel’s forced starvation consistently begin with descriptions of pre-displacement life, including homes, employment, family routines, and domestic spaces. The loss of the home, particularly the kitchen, emerges as a recurrent theme, reflecting the erosion of women’s agency and identity. The destruction of homes and domestic spaces traditionally associated with women’s autonomy has contributed to a marked erosion of dignity and self-perception. Reported symptoms include anxiety, insomnia, hair loss, emotional dysregulation, and post-traumatic stress, with many women suppressing their own distress to maintain caregiving roles.

Repeated displacement has further exacerbated women’s vulnerability. Multiple forced relocations have resulted in the loss of personal possessions, kinship networks, and community-based support systems. Overcrowded shelters lack adequate privacy, sanitation, and safety, compelling women to manage childcare and food preparation under unsafe and degrading conditions. Everyday survival practices are thus shaped by constant exposure to risk and instability.

For women who serve as the primary caretakers of their families, providing for loved ones often comes at great personal risk. They are frequently reducing or skipping their own meals so that their children can eat, often continuing caregiving responsibilities despite severe physical exhaustion . In displacement, they prepare rudimentary meals using limited ingredients and improvised methods, such as cooking lentils over burning toxic materials like plastic. These practices function both as survival strategies and as efforts to maintain a sense of continuity and stability for children amid profound disruption. In these contexts, women disproportionately bear the responsibility of caring for sick, injured, or disabled family members, despite acute shortages of medical care, clean water, and shelter. Overcrowding and unsanitary conditions contribute to widespread illness, while attempts to obtain food or humanitarian assistance expose women and children to ongoing risks of injury or death.

Starvation has additionally intensified gendered pressures within households. Men’s inability to secure food or protection has been associated with increased psychological distress, thereby expanding women’s emotional and caregiving responsibilities. For women whose spouses have been killed, detained, or disappeared, starvation enforces sole provider roles under conditions that systematically undermine the possibility of survival.

Conclusion

MIFTAH has documented violations of sexual violence, reproductive violence, and starvation at various points during the genocide in Gaza. These violations, however, do not occur in isolation; they operate simultaneously, reinforcing and amplifying one another as part of a single system of control. Sexual violence isolates women from themselves and alienates them within their communities. Reproductive violence deliberately targets women because of their childbearing roles. Starvation acts as both a biological and psychological assault. Taken together, these crimes compound one another, deepening harm and undermining the survival of Palestinian women and their communities. A single woman may experience all three forms of violence, being violated in detention, displaced and denied healthcare, and later starved while unable to feed her children. Together, these crimes transform daily life into a persistent site of punishment. They attack the Palestinian female spirit, disrupt women’s societal roles, and, in doing so, fracture society across generations, making recovery increasingly difficult.

The failure to confront these violations reflects a long colonial history, in which the rhetoric of “saving women” was used to justify empire while violence against women perpetrated by colonial powers was silenced or dismissed. To resist normalization and impunity, these crimes must be recognized and addressed as mutually reinforcing acts of genocide. Understanding these violations as an interconnected system of oppression is essential to grasp their full impact on Palestinian society. These gendered crimes are not about women alone; they aim to dismantle the foundations of Palestinian life. Women are targeted not only as individuals but as mothers, community anchors, and bearers of generational continuity, while Palestinian society is systematically weakened and broken at its core.

Sources and References

Executive Summary

On 17 November 2025, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2803, establishing a new governance framework for Gaza. The resolution endorses U.S. President Donald Trump’s Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict (CPEGC) and the creation of a transitional international administration through a U.S.-led Board of Peace (BoP) and authorizes an International Stabilization Force (ISF). Rather than ensuring Palestinian sovereignty, this framework transfers control of Gaza’s civil administration, security, reconstruction, borders, and humanitarian aid to external actors, entrenching foreign oversight and further consolidating Israeli dominance over the occupied Palestinian territory.

This resolution raises grave legal and political concerns. It departs from foundational principles of international law and undermines the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination. By providing no mechanisms for accountability for Israel’s documented violations, offering no concrete safeguards for Palestinian rights, and presenting an undefined framework with no clear timeline or benchmarks, Resolution 2803 risks perpetuating systemic injustices, enabling a reconfigured form of occupation, and further entrenching the colonial-style control already in place.

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Jerusalem, 13 June 2007- United Nations organisations working in the occupied Palestinian territory, are gravely concerned about the spiralling violence in the Gaza Strip, which has claimed 59 lives and caused 273 injuries since 9 June. This includes two UNRWA staff members who were killed today, one while on duty. UN organisations are particularly troubled by reports of attacks on hospitals, ambulances and extra-judicial killings, which raise concerns of serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.

The UN is also concerned about the humanitarian consequences arising from the heavy street fighting which is preventing the civilian population from reaching essential health services and food outlets. The fighting is also hampering the UN’s ability to deliver emergency services, mainly food and health assistance. Militants have also engaged in gun battles inside two UNRWA facilities.

“There is a need for immediate efforts to restore calm, protect the lives of innocent Palestinians and ensure the safe and secure distribution of emergency aid,” said Kevin Kennedy, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for the oPt. “The UN remains committed to continuing its humanitarian operations in the Gaza Strip so that Palestinians in need can continue to receive assistance. The ongoing violence is putting our operations at risk.” he added.

United Nations organisations call upon all parties engaged in the current hostilities to exercise their responsibilities under international humanitarian and human rights law and refrain from attacks on civilians, humanitarian institutions and carrying out extra-judicial killings.

At the same time, UN organisations call upon the Government of Israel and Palestinians to facilitate access to and from the Gaza Strip for humanitarian staff and relief supplies and ensure the continued operation of commercial and passenger crossing points.

For more information please contact
Juliette Touma, OCHA, 054-81555-46, 02-582-9962, toumaj@un.org
Allegra Pacheco, OCHA, 02-582-9962, pacheco6@un.org

Government Workers’ Strikes Escalate

During April further strikes, including amongst PA doctors, nurses, teachers and local municipal workers, continue to impact the provision of essential services. The strikes have continued in response to the non-regular payment of salaries.

Health sector strike:

The PA health sector remains on strike for the third month in the West Bank (a previous strike lasted for more than three months in 2006/07). The striking unions also announced an escalation in the strike from 28 April as no agreement was reached with the PA. The escalation calls for the closure of all Primary Healthcare Clinics (PHC), including for the limited immunisation services that until now had been provided every two weeks. Life saving treatment is only provided at hospitals.

Local municipalities strike:

In early April, local municipal employees in the Gaza Strip announced a reduction in services and two weeks later conducted a three-day strike (between 16 and 18 April) to protest the non-payment of their salaries. Strike action was suspended after the Palestinian (PM) Prime Minister agreed to provide USD 1 million in immediate cash assistance (however, staff salaries alone are estimated at USD 2 million per month). Striking workers demand payment of their salaries and for the PA to establish an emergency fund for municipalities.

The situation remains very volatile. A renewal of the strike could result in the accumulation of garbage and other hazardous waste on Gazan streets as well as impacting the functioning of the sewage and water networks. Over the course of the short strike in April thousands of tonnes of solid waste built up on Gaza city streets.

Threats of and rolling strikes in other sectors:

All PA employees held a one-day warning strike in the first week of April. In addition, PA teachers and Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MoEHE) staff conducted full and partial strikes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip throughout the month.

Rising poverty and declining access to services in the wake of the PA institutional crisis.

A recent survey commissioned by Oxfam has found that 80% of the 667 households interviewed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip reported that their household income had been reduced in the year following the PA institutional crisis.1 More than half of the households surveyed said they had received allowances through the TIM. In Gaza, 53% said that their household income had fallen by more than half and 21% said their household income had stopped altogether (results were slightly less dramatic in the West Bank at 42% and 14% respectively).

The survey also found that households were resorting to negative coping mechanisms such as borrowing money, selling possessions, reducing healthcare and food consumption and taking children out of school. 88% of people interviewed also reported that their access to services had been affected, 52% stating that it had reduced by more than half. The survey also found that Palestinians are very pessimistic about their immediate future with 40% predicating that their situation would get worse.

Severe agricultural losses in Hebron Governorate

An unusual late frost this month in the Hebron governorate caused massive losses in the agricultural sector, particularly in the areas of Beit Ummar, Halhul, Hebron City, Sa’air and Wad Al Aroub, according to the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA)2. Grape vines were the worst hit, impacting approximately 4,000 hectares of vineyards (or 70% of the total cultivated area for grapes). At least 30% of almond groves (covering an area of 2,700 hectares) were impacted. In addition, an estimated 2,000 hectares of crops including wheat grains and legumes were affected while losses in irrigated vegetables have reached 100% in some areas, especially in Al Beqa’ region, east of Hebron City.3 An estimated 6,000 of the poorest farmers have been impacted by the losses, with their situation exacerbated with the limited response of the PA due to the ongoing institutional crisis. FAO and the MoA are currently conducting a comprehensive assessment on the losses, to determine the appropriate response.

Continuous closures in and around Nablus city: expansion of Huwwara checkpoint

Palestinian residents of Nablus city continue to face severe closures as Nablus is encircled by eight IDF checkpoints, six Israeli settlements, two IDF military bases and a network of roads reserved primarily for Israeli use.

During April, only 10% of Nablus buses (22 out of 220) and 7% of Nablus taxis (150 out of 2,250) had permits to access and use the checkpoints. Only 50 private Palestinian cars were permitted to go in and out of the city. Consequently, most Palestinians go through the checkpoints on foot, and depend on two different vehicles – one at each side of the checkpoint – for their transportation. The IDF state that the closures are necessary to protect Israeli civilians.

The two main checkpoints, Huwwara and Beit Iba face long queues and delays. The IDF have recently started extensive construction work to expand Huwwara checkpoint into a terminal that will handle 700 people per hour according to the Israeli DCL in Nablus. The project is scheduled to finish in late summer 2007 and will cost approximately USD 2.3 million.

According to the IDF plan, there will be four lanes – three exit lanes and one entry lane – and a large parking lot on each side. Beit Iba checkpoint is also planned to be expanded although not to the same extent as Huwwara. According to the IDF, the upgrade to the checkpoints will reduce queues and delays. The UN remains concerned that IDF construction will make these internal checkpoints in the West Bank permanent.

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Rising Death Toll - Concern Over Deteriorating Situation

Update on Internal Palestinian Fighting:

Internal fighting in Gaza is now entering its fourth day with at least 37 dead and 114 injured since Sunday. This is the third round of intense factional fighting seen in Gaza this year leaving at least 128 Palestinians dead and 692 injured since 1 January 2007.

Following the killing of a senior Fatah leader on Sunday 13 May in Jabalia in northern Gaza, violence erupted throughout the Gaza Strip and particularly in Gaza city. Two attempted ceasefires collapsed within hours and fighting continued between Fatah forces and Hamas and its affiliated Executive Support Force (ESF). Today, fighting has taken place around security installations in Gaza city with few incidents reported elsewhere in northern, central and southern Gaza.

In one of the worst incidents, on 15 May, seven members of Fatah security forces were killed near Karni crossing when their jeep was hit by a rocket alleged to be fired by Hamas militants. This morning, the home of Fatah security chief, Rashid Abu Shbak was besieged by Hamas gunmen and at least five of Abu Shbak’s body guards were killed.

Update on Palestinian-Israeli Violence:

Israeli media has reported that 30 Qassam rockets were fired by Palestinian militias towards Sderot and the Western Negev in Israel in the last two days, resulting in 28 injuries, including two woman (one elderly) who both suffered moderate to serious wounds.

At around 2 pm today, Israeli Air Force jets fired missiles into an Executive Support Forces base in southern Gaza. Three ESF members were reported dead and 27 injured.

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UN agencies1 recently undertook an analysis of the humanitarian situation in the oPt. This update reports their findings.

1. IMMEDIATE TRENDS

Since the Palestinian elections in particular, there has been a sharp deterioration in humanitarian situation due to Israel’s tightening of security procedures.

• The Karni crossing between Israel and the Gaza Strip – the main crossing for commercial and humanitarian supplies in and out of Gaza – closed for 21 days between 15 January and 5 February resulting in an estimated loss of $10.5 million.2

• The IDF stated that it closed Karni crossing because of security threats and concerns over the spread of avian flu.

• On 26 February, it was announced that all Gaza Strip flour mills would close as wheat grain stocks are depleted following the closure of Karni crossing.

• The price of sugar has increased by 25% since the closure of the Karni crossing. Current stocks are sufficient for four days.3

• Palestinian casualties have increased throughout the oPt in the month after the elections compared to the month before (at least 34 deaths compared with 15) while Israeli casualties remained the same (1 death prior and 1 death after).

• From 19 – 23 February, the IDF has made four incursions into three locations in Nablus city (Balata refugee camp, the Old City and Kafr Qalil). Eight Palestinians were killed (including three children – aged 17 years) and 32 were injured.

• In the past 4 weeks approximately six Qassam rockets / day have been fired into Israel. Israel has shelled the northern and eastern areas of Gaza with 20-23 artillery shells / day.

• In February, the number of Palestinian children in Israeli detention was 360, representing a 13% increase from January. The average throughout 2005 was 300.

• The number of structures demolished increased sharply since the elections – 48 were demolished since 25 January for lacking building permits.

• There has been a 25% increase in the number of physical obstacles (471 obstacles) blocking Palestinian movement in the West Bank – these include earthmounds, checkpoints, roadblocks, which the IDF states are imposed to protect Israel’s citizens – it compares with 376 in August 2005.

• There has been an acceleration of Israel’s plan to separate Palestinian and Israeli road systems within the West Bank. Palestinian traffic is being diverted from the Israeli restricted West Bank roads through a combination of physical obstacles, movement permits and road barriers. A series of tunnels and bridges separate Palestinians onto alternative roads to traverse Israelicontrolled Area C and Israeli restricted roads.

• These new obstacles have had a negative impact, restricting access to land, markets, services and social relations.

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